the frauds could not have gone on, had not the persons in the different departments neglected their duty of examination. From the papers before the House, their lordships would see that there was no ground for presuming fraud against alderman King, or any neglect of inquiry on the part of his majesty's government. With regard to the overcharges, an inquiry was making; but he believed that the prices paid for stationery in England would not form a fair criterion for determining what the prices in Ireland ought to be. The lord-lieutenant had, however, caused an inquiry to be instituted, and if there should appear proof of intentional overcharge, he would enforce the right he possessed of taking the supply out of the hands of alderman King. The investigation was at this moment actively prosecuting; and, under such circumstances, he should move the previous question. The Marquis of Lansdown expressed his satisfaction that the investigation was going forward. It appeared, notwithstanding the argument of the noble lord, that the public was a loser in a definite degree, but to what extent was not yet known. Judging from the papers in his hand and the accounts he had received, the inference seemed to be that double price was charged, and in some instances, more than that upon the articles provided by the alderman. The negligence of the officer could not be pleaded in excuse for the commission of fraud, and it was incumbent on the government to punish abuses, especially when they were connected with power. The Earl of Limerick thought that the case was one of great suspicion, especially when he was told that the person who committed the fraud derived no benefit from it, and that the alderman was ignorant of what was done. The previous question was agreed to. ties from interfering to prevent these dreadful spectacles. Still the question was not, in fact, one of religious toleration; but whether murder and suicide ought tacitly to be permitted under the British jurisdiction. It might be sufficient for his purpose to state the extent to which this shocking practice had been carried in one presidency alone he meant that of Fort William. Within the last four years, in that presidency, 2,366 females had been seen to ascend and perish upon the funeral piles of their husbands. That was the number that had openly perished under the eyes of the magistracy, exclusive of the number which had been consumed in secret, or by the connivance of a mercenary police. By the Mahommedan law the practice was discountenanced, and therefore in many places discontinued; but it was to be regretted that it still prevailed to a great extent in countries under the British jurisdiction. Not only had the disciples of Mahomet abolished this practice, but the French, Dutch, and Danes had accomplished the same object in their East Indian settlements. Many of the native princes, amongst whom were the rajah of Travancore, and the peishwa, the latter of whom was a Hindoo and a brahmin, had also put an end to this revolting custom. He hoped that, when the proper time arrived, the British government would exert their utmost efforts to extinguish so great an evil, and show that they would not be behind-hand with their predecessors in the great work of justice and humanity. He did not wish any thing to be done on this subject which would be likely to excite the apprehension of the natives of India, or to shock their religious feelings or prejudices; but he certainly was anxious that steps should be taken to prove the detestation with which this government viewed so abominable a practice. Many of these murders took place contrary to the Hindoo Jaw itself. By that law, females under 16 years of age were not allowed to ascend the funeral pile ; yet, it would appear from the papers for which he was about to move, that girls of 12, 13, and 14 years of age had been sacrificed; and, in one instance, a child of eight years old became a victim to the barbarous custom. By the Hindoo law those widows were also exempted, who in the event of their death, should leave children behind them under 3 years of age, unless some security was given that 4 I " 1 the infants would be taken care of. It was also specifically set down, that the sacrifice should be perfectly voluntary that no drugs should be administered for the purpose of causing intoxication; but these provisions of the Hindoo law were not complied with. No later than yesterday he had a conversation on this subject with a most respectable gentleman, the rev. Mr. Thompson, one of the East India Company's chaplains, who stated, that as he was sailing on a river in the neighbour hood of Calcutta, he observed a crowd on the bank, and found that the people had assembled for the purpose of witnessing the burning of a widow, who was then performing her last ablution. When that part of the ceremony was concluded, she was led to the pile, but she fainted repeatedly. The people began to grow impatient; and she was at last placed on the pile in an insensible state, and lashed to the dead body of her husband. The unfortunate creature, however, recovered her seuses, and struggled to escape. A brahmin immediately placed a torch, in the hand of one of her children, who set fire to the pile, and the whole was consumed in a few minutes. He had also been informed of an instance where the family of the individual had not money to procure wood enough to form a proper pile. In that case, the child of the parties about to be consumed began by applying fire to the face of his deceased father, and then proceeded to place the flame beneath the body of his living mother. The fire soon took effect, but it was a considerable time before the sufferings of the unhappy woman were terminated. Though he did not think it would be proper to put an end to this practice by force, yet he was of opinion that the natives of India ought to be restrained within the laws of their own religi... Beyond these they should not be suffered to depart, All these evils arose from one cause the ignorance of the natives; and the only cure for them was their instruction. Every person, therefore, must perceive how imperative it was on the government of the country, to extend as far as possible the benefits of education to the natives of India. He was happy to observe what had been done by the governor-general with reference to this object. The natives began to admit the superiority of European intellect, and the gratitude they felt for the benefits which were conferred on them led them to be lieve that those by whom they were now governed must, in some former period, have moved in a more exalted state of existence, as they could not otherwise account for the virtue, wisdom, and talents, which they displayed. The hon. gentleman then moved for Copies or Extracts of all Communications received from India relative to the Burning of Females on the Funeral Piles of their Husbands." Mr. Bathurst doubted the expediency of European interference. It was ad mitted that great exertions had been made by the governors in India to put down the dreadful practice in question. One effect of those exertions, however, had been to invite breaches of the native law; and it was a melancholy fact, that in consequence of that circumstance the interference of the Indian governors had led to an increase of the number of victims. If any mode were to be adopted for confining the natives to the letter of their own laws, it could be carried into effect only by causing a European officer to superintend those dreadful executions, which would be to give a sanction to them on our part. He therefore doubted the policy of any direct interference. It was a strong fact, that the practice was not at present allowed either in Madras or Calcutta; the consequence of which was, that the destined victims were taken to be sacrificed out of the boundaries of those towns. He was persuaded that the gradual dissemination of knowledge among the natives was more calculated to produce a beneficial effect on this subject than any forcible interference on our part. Mr. Wilberforce willingly admitted that the government of India had made great efforts to abolish the dreadful practice. Undoubtedly he was an enemy to compulsory proceedings; but provided the prejudices of the Hindoos were not insulted, he was convinced that no people in the world would more willingly listen to instructions in religion and manners. It had been proposed to institute a college at Calcutta, for the purpose of educating and preparing missionaries, to be sent among the Hindoos. Indeed, by proper attention to certain essential points, he had no doubt that the conversion of these people might be effected. It was a mistake to suppose that this practice of immolation was in general voluntary. There were very few cases in which it was so. A reluctant consent was extort ed; but when the unfortunate victim came to the pile, she frequently shrunk from the consummation when it was too late, the priests taking care to prevent all retreat, and in some cases even proceeding to tie the unhappy female down to the logs of which the pile was composed. Mr. Hume said, that about the years 1793, 1794, and 1795, several regulations were made on the subject which had a most beneficial effect. The impression on his mind was, that in Benares, where most of the burnings took place, the practice had almost disappeared. If the treatment of asses and mules were a fit subject for parliamentary consideration, surely the treatment of thousands of human beings was so. Many of those unhappy individuals were sacrificed to the interest of the parties connected with them. The heirs of their husbands' property induced the brahmins to persuade them that they would go to heaven by making this sacrifice, in order that that property might come unburdened into their hands. In his opinion, the govern-' ment of India might counteract the evil by strong regulations, and among others, by charging a thousand or two of rupees for a licence to perform the sacrifice. Mr. Canning observed, that whatever difference of opinion there might exist on other points of this interesting subject, there were two on which all must agree first, that it would be in the highest degree gratifying to the feelings of the House, if the inhuman practice in question could be completely put down; secondly, that it would be extremely inexpedient that any attempt should be made to put it down by coercion. It was with a reference to both those considerations that parliament ought to act; and hon. gentlemen bught especially to bear in mind, that of all the exercises of human authority and discretion, the most delicate and difficult was such an interference on the part of a superior power with an inferior, as, while on the one hand it should be effectual, on the other hand it should be divested of that harshness of character which too frequently belonged even to the appearance of control. He apprehended that the effect of any manifestation of a direct interference of authority, would be not so much to stimulate a government which evidently required no stimulus, as to alarm the natives, and, perhaps, even to render necessary some relaxation in the measures already adopted to eradicate so barbarous a usage. Very far was he from contending that every possible effort ought not to be made to put down the barbarous practice in question, by reasoning and by the dif fusion of knowledge. But in that case, the greatest attention ought to be paid to the feelings of the people; otherwise, with that repugnance to control which was inherent in human nature, they would shrink from foreign interposition, and the habits which a milder course might eventually have subdued, would be rendered still more firm and inveterate. An observance of this principle in our conduct to the natives of India was especially expedient; as we might shake and loosen that cement by which they were now bound in affection and gratitude to the British government. We must look for amelioration in the improvement of the people in the arts of peace, and in the gradual introduction of a purer system of morals and religion. The policy of the Mahometan conquerors of India had been held out for our imitation. But was the conduct of Mussulmans to be the guide of Christians? The religion of Mahomet was one of conquest; the religion of Christ was one of persuasion. The former triumphed by power; the latter triumphed in spite of power. We must be content to pursue a slow and silent and forbearing course before we could hope for the extinction of that ignorance of which superstition was the invariable concomitant.-After a short reply, the motion was agreed to. STATE OF EUROPE.] Mr. Hutchinson said, that his object, in making the present motion, was, to support the cause of liberty all over Europe-that liberty which was seriously threatened by the conduct of the allied sovereigns. Indeed, he thought that the present state of Europe was most awful. He would refer back, but not in detail, to those events which had, in his view of the subject, been carried on for years, for the purpose of subverting liberty, and which had produced that confusion and dismay which now existed in many parts of the continent. If the allied sovereigns pursued the conduct lately pursued by them, and if the noble marquis opposite went on supporting them as he had done, instead of opposing their proceedings, then he would say that the noble marquis and his colleagues were late wars. abetting and supporting that system which tion. He maintained, that the object of would, if not checked in time, be produc- the allies was aggrandizement. There tive of the most fatal results. The whole was not in Europe a more ambitious power of the continental system, of which the than Russia. The noble lord knew that noble marquis was an active supporter, the military establishments both of Russia was in violation of all the principles upon and Austria were immense, and he (Mr. which this country had engaged in the H.) maintained, that their only object In 1793, it was declared by was, to tyrannize over smaller states. The this country, in a declaration of minis- hon. member complained that ministers ters, that its object was, to put down had not only done every thing in their military aggression. It was said that power to countenance the holy alliance, both the throne and the altar of this but they had, in fact, endeavoured in some country were in danger, in consequence measure to imitate them in the measures of what took place in France at that pe- introduced here. We had repeated susriod. The same principles were pretend- pensions of the Habeas Corpus act; mied to be acted upon in the war of 1803. nisters refused all inquiry into the most We engaged in that war, as it was said, desperate outrage that had been com to protect the liberties of mankind, and mitted upon the people of any country; for the purpose of protecting the inde- we had also the bills of the noble lord, pendence of the minor states of Europe. throwing the greatest difficulties in the The same thing was repeated in 1814-15; way of the right of petition. They had but the peace of 1814-15 was in direct also that system of espionage which bad violation of the principles upon which we been encouraged of late years to a most made war in 1793 and in 1803-wars lamentable extent; and lastly, they had which were carried on with the loss of that dreadful combination (the Constitu so much blood and treasure. If the tional Association) to which the names House would refer to the Treaty of Vi- of men of rank and fortune, of peers and enna, they would see that the peace was members of parliament were attached, by made on principles of spoliation and op- which the system was encouraged and pression. Belgium was given to Hol- carried on. The hon. member next con land; the territories of Hanover were in- demned in strong terms the introduction creased; Prussia was aggrandized by the of the Alien bill, which he observed was annexation of a part of Saxony; Venice only for the purpose of making ministers was given to Austria; Genoa was given the head police officers of the continental to Sardinia; and the liberties of Sicily were sovereigns, and to enable them the more destroyed. What, then, was this but a effectually to carry on their despotic de peace of spoliation? It was said that signs. He next adverted to a report the overthrow of Buonaparte would put which had reached him of an Italian priest, down tyranny. He had hoped that the who, on his return from St. Helena, had sovereigns, profiting by experience, would been prevented from landing in this coun have rewarded their subjects by restoring try. The noble lord had stigmatized to them those rights which belonged to those Italians, who struggled for liberty, them, as they had solemnly sworn to do. with the name of Carbonari. He might But how did they proceed? The noble as well call the hon. member for Aber ford would say that he was not accounta- deen and those other members who sought ble for the conduct of the allied sove- to reform abuses here, the Carbonari of reigns. But the noble lord had made England; those who pointed out abuses himself a party to those acts, as, accord-in Ireland, the Carbonari of that country: ing to the papers before him, the allied Sovereigns declared that their whole proceedings were founded on the principles laid down at the Congress of Vienna, and that in those principles they were determined to persevere. What were those principles Naples wished to establish, and did establish a free constitution, Austria and Russia interfered, and what was the consequence? They put down the feelings and wishes of the people, and restored things to their former situa and so of the friends of liberty in France, Germany, or any other part of Europe. He next alluded to the detention of Baonaparte in St. Helena, and condemned the part which this country had taken in that transaction. It was said, that Napoleon's detention in prison was to put down tyranny-but had it that effect How: could a pretence of this kind be urged, when the allies were daily committing acts of the greatest tyranny, without even shadow of those excuses which might be pleaded for Napoleon? Had that imprisonment given peace or satisfaction to Europe? Were not Austria and Russia, in interfering with Naples, and in objecting to the constitution of Spain, guilty of greater tyranny than Buonaparte? Upon what ground, then, could we pretend to continue any longer the gaolers of that individual?—Adverting to the declaration from Troppau, he wished to know whether the noble lord approved of that paper? He did not hesitate to declare, that it was as unqualified tyranny as had ever been promulgated. The declaration from Laybach began by stating, that the conduct of the allies was founded upon the principles laid down at the Congress of Vienna, The hon. gentleman, after commenting on this state paper, observed, that, if he could suppose that the ministers of this country were to make an open attempt to put down the liberties of the people, the governments of Austria and of Russia, acting upon the principles avowed by those powers, would aid them in such an attempt, and would treat the people of England, if they resisted, as rebels. If the noble lord would, in such a case, send out ships, those legitimate monarchs would be ready to send over troops to erush the spirit of liberty. There could be no doubt but that the leading principle of the allied monarchs was, to suppress every attempt to correct ancient abuses, or to enlarge the liberties of mankind. Russia would have sent its mercenaries into Spain, with as much readiness as Austria sent her troops to Naples, if circumstances had not rendered such a step hazardous for the present. The hon. gentleman next adverted to the present state of Greece. Russia had an immense army hanging upon that country; and Austria had another prepared to march. No person could contemplate without horror, the atrocity perpetrated by the barbarous Turk in that devoted country; but much as he should rejoice to see the Greeks relieved from slavery, he was not yet satisfied with the conduct of Austria and Russia; the object of those powers was, not to give freedom to Greece, but by availing herself of the present commotion, Russia looked for an ascendancy in the states of Greece. The hon. gentleman next adverted to the present state of Naples. Her gaols were filled with thousands of persons whose only crime was, that they acted under the authority of their king, whom the allied monarchs had, ལྟ་བུ།། in the most disgraceful manner, summoned before them at Laybach. All these odious proceedings were adopted under the eye of the Austrian force. Much as he deplored the present distresses of the country, he yet did not see how England could any longer tolerate the insolent pretensions of foreign powers: better by far would it be for her to speak her sentiments boldly and openly at once; for if she remained silent much longer, Europe in all probability would suffer unheard-of convulsions. The noble lord wanted peace; but peace purchased by an acquiescence in all the acts of ambitious and unprincipled governments, was not the peace for England. With respect to Spain, he believed that all the troubles of that country were to be attributed to the hostile views of the allies. The people were not, could not be contented. Europe must, indeed it ought to be, convulsed. If he were a subject of any of those countries which had been attacked, he would sooner die than submit. The allied powers made the proceedings at the Congress of Vienna, to which the noble lord was a party, the groundwork of their subsequent policy. It remained for the noble lord to disavow any participation in their acts-in their aggressions on inde pendent states in their barbarous proscription-in their undisguised hostility to the liberties of the world. The hon. gentleman concluded with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, stating to his Majesty, that this House, the Representatives of a free and enlightened people, has witnessed with the greatest concern and alarm the events which have lately taken place on the Continent of Europe; and also the open and insulting avowal of pretensions as novel as they are dangerous, and which are in direct opposition to the principles of our own Revolution, and to the independence of all other nations; and humbly requesting his Majesty to use his influence and authority to secure to the Minor States of Europe their undoubted, and till now undisputed right to choose their own form of Government; and also, to remonstrate with his Majesty's Allies on the assumption of powers never before claimed, which introduce new principles into the Laws of Nations, in direct opposition, to all former practice and precedent, and which, if persevered in and acted upon, would not only prevent the establishment of all rational liberty, but tend to render |