anxiety for the return of Paul Harley grew urgent-a positive need, as, meeting the gaze of the long, magnetic eyes, she felt again, like the touch of cold steel, all the penetrating force of this man's will. She was. angrily aware of the fact that his gaze was holding hers hypnotically, that she was meeting it contrary to her wish and inclination. She wanted to look away, but found herself looking steadily into the coal-black eyes of Ormuz Khan.

"The East of yesterday"-his haunting voice seemed to reach her from a great distance-"saw the birth of all human knowledge and human power; and to us the East of yesterday is the East of to-day."

Phil became aware that a sort of dreamy abstraction was creeping over her, when in upon this mood came a sound which stimulated her weakening powers of resistance.

It

Dimly, for all the windows of the room were closed, she heard a car drive up and stop before the house. aroused her from the curious condition of lethargy into which she was falling. She turned her head sharply aside, the physical reflection of a mental effort to remove her gaze from the long, magnetic eyes of Ormuz Khan.

"Do you think that is Mr. Harley?" she asked, and failed to recognize her own voice.

"Possibly," returned the Persian, speaking very gently.

With one ivory hand he touched his knee for a moment, the only expression of disappointment which he allowed himself.

"May I ask you to go and inquire?" continued Phil, now wholly mistress of herself again. "I am wondering, too, what can have become of Mrs. McMurdoch."

"I will find out," said Ormuz Khan. He rose, his every movement possessing a sort of feline grace. He bowed and walked out of the room. Phil Abingdon heard in the distance the motor restarted and the car being driven away from Hillside. She stood up restlessly.

BEN

ENEATH the calm of the Persian's Omanner Phil had detected the presence of dangerous fires. The silence. of the house oppressed her. She was not actually frightened yet, but intuitively she knew that all was not well. Then came a new sound, arousing active fear at last.

Some one was rapping upon one of the long, masked windows! Phil Abingdon started back with a smothered exclamation.

"Quick!" came a high, cool voice, "open this window. You are in danger."

The voice was odd, peculiar, but of one thing she was certain. It was not the voice of an Oriental. Furthermore, it held a note of command, and something, too, which inspired trust.

She looked swiftly about her to make sure that she was alone. And then, running to the window from which the sound had come, she moved a heavy, gilded fastening which closed it, and threw open the heavy leaves.

A narrow terrace was revealed, with a shrubbery beyond; and standing on the terrace was a tall, thin man wearing a light coat over evening dress. He looked pale, gaunt, and unshaven, and although the regard of his light eyes was almost dreamy, there was something very tense in his pose.

"I am Nicol Brinn," said the stranger. "I knew your father. You have walked into a trap. I am here to get you out of it. Can you drive?"

"Do you mean an automobile?" asked Phil breathlessly.

"A Rolls Royce."

"Yes."

"Come right out."
"My furs! My hat!"

"Something bigger is at stake." It was all wildly bizarre, almost unbelievable. Phil Abingdon had experienced in her own person the insidious power of Ormuz Khan. She now found herself under the spell of a personality at least as forceful, although in a totally different way. She found herself running through a winding path

HE events which led to the presence of Mr. Nicol Brinn at so opportune a moment were-consistent with the character of that remarkable man-of a sensational nature.

Rolls

Having commandeered the Royce from the door of the Cavalry Club, he immediately, by a mental process which many perils had perfected, dismissed the question of rightful ownership from his mind. The limousine driven by the Hindu chauffeur was still in sight, and, until Mr. Nicol Brinn had seen it garaged, nothing else mattered.

Jamming his hat tightly upon his head, he settled down at the wheel, drawing up rather closer to the limousine as the chase lay through crowded thoroughfares and keeping his quarry comfortably in sight across Westminster Bridge and through the outskirts of London.

It was the deserted country roads which he feared, for if the man ahead of him should suspect pursuit, a difficult problem might arise.

By happy chance Nicol Brinn, an enthusiastic motorist, knew the map of Surrey as few Englishmen know it. Indeed, there was no beauty spot within a forty-mile radius of London to which he could not have driven by the best and the shortest route, at a moment's notice. This knowledge aided him now.

For presently, at a fork in the road, he saw that the driver of the limousine had swung to the left, taking the low road, that to the right offering a steep gradient. The highroad was the direct road to Lower Claybury, the low road a detour to the same.

Nicol Brinn mentally reviewed the intervening countryside and, taking a gambler's chance, took the Rolls Royce up the hill. At its highest point, the road, skirting a hilltop, offered an extensive view of the valley below. Here Nicol Brinn pulled up and, descending, watched and listened.

Ith

t

N the stillness he could plainly hear the other automobile humming steadily along the lowland road. He concentrated his mind upon the latter part of that strange journey, striving to recall any details which had marked it immediately preceding the time when he had detected the rustling of leaves and knew that they had entered a carriage drive.

Yes, there had been a short but steep hill, and immediately before this the car had passed over a deeply rutted road, or he had a sudden inspirationover a level crossing.

He knew of just such a hilly road immediately behind Lower Claybury station. Indeed, it was that by which he should be compelled to descend if he continued to pursue his present route to the town. He could think of no large, detached house, the Manor Park excepted, which corresponded to the one which he sought. But that in taking the highroad he had acted even more wisely than he knew, he was now firmly decided.

He determined to proceed as far as the park gates as speedily as possible. Therefore, returning to the wheel, he sent the car along the now level road at top speed, so that the railings of the Manor Park, when presently he found himself skirting the grounds, had the semblance of a continuous iron fence wherever the moonlight touched them.

He passed the head of the road dipping down to Lower Claybury, but forty yards beyond pulled up and descended. Again he stood listening.

"Good!" he muttered.

He could hear the other car laboring up the slope. He ran along to the

corner of the lane, and, crouching close under the bushes, waited for its appearance. As he had supposed, the chauffeur turned the car to the right.

"Good!" muttered Nicol Brinn again. There was a baggage rack immediately above the number plate. Upon this Nicol Brinn sprang with the agility of a wildcat, settling himself upon his perilous perch before the engine had had time to gather speed.

When, presently, the car turned into the drive of Hillside, Nicol Brinn dropped off and dived into the bushes on the right of the path. From this hiding place he saw the automobile driven around the front of the house to the garage, which was built out from the east wing.

Although he was some distance from the doors, he could see that there was a second car in the place-a low, torpedo-bodied racer, painted battleship gray. This sight turned his thoughts in another direction.

Very cautiously he withdrew to the drive again, retracing his steps to the lane and walking back to the spot where he had left the Rolls Royce, all the time peering about him to right and left. He was looking for a temporary garage for the car, but one from which, if necessary, he could depart in a hurry. The shell of an ancient barn, roofless and desolate, presently invited inspection, and, as a result, a few minutes later Colonel Lord Wolverham's luxurious automobile was housed for the night in these strange quarters.

WH

THEN Nicol Brinn returned to Hillside, he found the garage locked and the lights extinguished. He moved along to an angle of the wall and stared reflectively at the silent house.

A mental picture arose of a secret temple in the shadow of the distant Himalayas. Was it credible that this quiet country house, so typical of rural England, harbored that same dread secret which he had believed to be locked away in those Indian hills? Could he believe that the dark and death-dealing power which he had seen at work in the East was now centered here, within phone call of London?

The fate of Sir Charles Abingdon and of Paul Harley would seem to indicate that such was the case. Beyond

doubt, the document of which Rama Dass had spoken was some paper in the possession of the late Sir Charles. Much that had been mysterious was cleared up. He wondered why it had not occurred to him from the first that Sir Charles's inquiry, which he had mentioned to Paul Harley, respecting Fire-Tongue, had been due to the fact that the surgeon had seen the secret mark upon his arm after the accident in the Haymarket. He remembered distinctly that his sleeve had been torn upon that occasion. He couldn't imagine, however, what had directed the attention of the organization to Sir Charles, and for what reason his death had been decided upon.

He rolled his cigar from corner to corner of his mouth, staring reflectively with lack-luster eyes at the silent house before him. In the moonlight it made a peaceful picture enough. A cautious tour of the place revealed a lighted window upon the first floor. Standing in the shadow of an old apple tree, Nicol Brinn watched the blind of this window minute after minute, patiently waiting for a shadow to appear upon it; and at last his patience was rewarded.

A shadow appeared-the shadow of a woman!

Nicol Brinn dropped his cigar at his feet and set his heel upon it. A bittersweet memory which had been with him for seven years arose again in his mind. There is a kind of mountain owl in certain high parts of northern India which possesses a curiously high, plaintive note. He wondered if he could remember and reproduce that note.

He made the attempt, repeating the cry three times. At the third repetition the light in the first-floor window went out. He heard the sound of the window being gently opened. Then a voice a voice which held the sweetest music in the world for the man who listened below-spoke softly:

"Nicol!"

"Naida!" he called. "Come down to me. You must. Don't answer. I will wait here."

"Promise you will let me return!"
He hesitated.
"Promise!"

"I promise."

(To be continued)

$298

98 For This Stunning Silk Poplin

Susquehanna

Here is an amazing value. Think of it! A wonderful GENUINE Susquehanna SILK POI LIN skirt of most becoming style for only $2.98. DIRECT TO YOU at wholesale price.

Compare with skirts offered for $8 elsewhere. Only one to a customer during this introductory sale. Notice the remarkable high lustre. Two chic novelty pockets of self material, lined and trimmed with silky tassels and silky buttons. Skirt gracefully set off with self belt and gathered all around under waist. Cut roomy and ful1. Made of wonderful genuine Susquehanna Silk which contains a percentage of cotton for dura bility's sake.

SEND

NO MONEY Just pay postman $2.98 plus postage, then see and try on this skirt. If not delighted in every way, your money will be returned in full at once. Colors: Black, Navy Blue or Taupe Gray. Sizes 22 inch to 40 inch waist; 34 inch to 40 inch length. Extra waist sizes 32 to 4035c.. extra. State size and color. Order by number. SP1577. Send no money but write now.

Skirt

wanted in every count to give

all or spare time. Positions worth $750 to $1,500 yearly. We train the inexperienced. Novelty Cutlery Co., 40 Bar N., Canton, Ohio

Ah! Here's the kind of

harmful beyond this point.

The three essential aspects of government are election, legislation, and administration. Politics is the soul of the first; it has a legitimate influence on the second, but in the third it is anathema. Politics is the art of keeping and retaining the power to exercise an influence on the choice of policies. Power and place are often confused. Place is not power, and politics in the true and legitimate sense has nothing to do with place hunting. The man who earned the name of "What-are-wehere-for-Flanagan" was a place hunter -not a politician.

IN

welfare. But just what is the will of the people who elected him? What mandates has the congressman on the big problems of to-day? At election he may have known for what he was elected and what he was expected to do, but he ought not to be unresponsive to any changes in public sentiment which may have occurred since election. He would

be less than human if he failed at least to try to "keep in right" with the people who elected him.

But the people ask the impossible. They demand that an officer both get things done and always please them

which is impossible. They ask for

"business men." But they will rarely elect a business man-they will believe the accusations that he represents some "interest" or other and elect the man who talks most without much regard for the truth of what he says. people do not really want any known type of business man. They want the idealized business man-the kind that

nature.

terms.

Writefor free Illustrated Book and "Evidenceof Conception Blank". Send model or sketch and description for free opinion as to its patentable Highest References. Prompt Attention. Reasonable VICTOR J. EVANS & CO., 631 Ninth. Washington, D. C.

Kalkaska, and Otsego

LAND BARGAINS! Hardwood land in Antrim. Counties, Mich. Only $15 to $35 per A. Easy terms. Close to markets, schools, R. R. Write for full information, SWIGART, R-1245, First National Bank Bld's, Chicago, Ill. Large Manufacturer

wants agents to sell guaranteed made-to measure raincoats. $50 to $75 weekly. Highest commission. Profit in advance. Outfit free Standard Raincoat Co., Dept. C, 163 W. 21 St., New York.

INVENTORS desiring to secure patents should send for

our free Guide Book "How to Get Your Patent." Randolph & Co.. Dept. 156, Washington, D. C.

AGENTS-LARGE MANUFACTURER wants agents

hosiery, underwear, shirts, dresses. skirts, waists, shoes. clothing, etc. Write for free samples MADISON MILLS, 503 BROADWAY, NEW YORK

BIG MONEY
AMERICAN MONOGRAM CO., Dept. 31, East Orange, N. J.

and Fast Sales. Every owner buys Gold Initials for his auto. You charge $1.50; make $1.35. Ten orders daily Write for particulars and free samples.

30 Days' Free Trial

Select from 44 Styles, colors and sizes, famous Ranger bicycles. Delivered free on approval, from maker-direct-to-rider, at Factory The Prices. Save $10 to $25 on your bicycle.

12 Months to Pay Immediate our

does not exist. The best type of busi- Tires Horns, wheels, lamps, parts and ness executive can rarely make a speech Catalog, marvelous prices and terms.

which will compare with that of the

average politician; he is limited in his appeal, for he will be afraid to prom

ise the impossible, and that sort of

promise does not at all bother the politician.

The average business man does not know any more about politics than the politician does about business. And a man must know and play politics if he is to be elected.

The dollar-a-year men who went to Washington during the war were intent upon attaining results, and not a few of them found themselves quietly

Special

Rider

Dept F54, Chicago Agents

TELL TOMORROW'S

DAVID WHITE

White's Weather Prophet forecasts the weather 8 to 24 hours

Weather

in advance. Not a toy but a
scientifically constructed instrument work-
ing automatically. Handsome, reliable
and everlasting.

An Ideal Present
Made doubly interesting by the little fig
ures of the Peasant and his good wife.
who come in and out to tell you what the
weather will be. Size 6x
7%; fully guaranteed, Post-
paid to any address in U. S.
or Canada on receipt of...

Agents Wanted. DAVID WHITE, Dept. 137 419E. Water St., Milwaukee, Wis

Get the Knack of Politics

HERE is a decided knack in politi

Tcal administration; the old bosses

had it, but they used it for sinister purposes. We need that same knack to-day if only we can have it without the sinister side.

For this is a representative government, which means that it is a government of men and not of laws. We predicate our government upon the election of good men and not simply on men who will carry out policies. Our elected officers are supposed to be more than puppets.

In a representative democracy a voter picks out a man to represent him. The representative is supposed to have a free hand and to be subject to no direct persuasion as to how he shall vote. Under such a system the successful candidate has joined in him both the responsibility and the authority of those whom he represents; and it is the union of these two elements which attracts men of the highest character.

If the representative quality in political choice is firmly fixed in the voter's mind, his sense of responsibility will be quickened, for he will realize that he is handing a blank check to another man, trusting him to fill in the amount, and foregoing the right to stop payment at the bank. As the only power he retains over his representative is that of denying reelection, he must face the full consequences of his choice. The representative, on his side, should depend upon his record to secure his reelection.

What interfered with the usefulness of this system, and finally overthrew it, was the development of powerful party machines and their seizure of the nominating conventions. It came about that the representative no longer represented the voters, nor even the voters' representatives in convention assembled, but only that portion of the voters' representatives which controlled the political machines that dominated the convention.

Thus, the political center of gravity gradually shifted. It had formerly rested between the voter and his representative; it was now to be found between the local party machine and its delegate the nominee offered to the convention.

Slow as these changes were, they had the effect finally of leaving us with a machinery of representative government made over to function as a system of delegated government. The voter, instead of choosing a representative, chose a party; the party provided him with a convention; the party machine provided the convention with delegates; and the delegates provided a candidate whose allegiance was no longer to the voter but to the party machine - he forfeited his independent judgment on legislation and assumed an agreement to stand by his party.

Business Sense Needed

S time passed it became painfully

was going wrong. The people blamed it on the inner cliques of the party machines-the "gang."

This discontent demanded that the power of government should be restored to the people. The methods by which it was to be done were the direct election of senators, and the substitution of the primary for the convention as the means of securing candidates.

These changes represented the views of the moderates of the two great

parties. The extremists had a more drastic remedy. They proposed to accept the failure of representative government, to ignore the reasons for this failure, and set up delegated government with the initiative, the referendum, and the recall. Whether or not these things will make for good government in the United States in the twentieth century, their application alone can finally prove. They have done nothing to date. But there can be no doubt whatever that if followed they will completely alter the whole character of our government and totally destroy the principle of representation. They will drive from public life our ablest politicians and prevent the election of the very type of man we seek. Few honest and competent citizens will leave business or professional careers to be messenger boys. These revolutionary proposals breathe a spirit of distrust, not only of the people's representatives, but also of the people themselves. If representatives cannot be trusted to initiate legislation, then the people must have the power of initiation; but this initiative by the people apparently cannot itself be trusted. If it must be subject to a referendum, then the referendum itself cannot be trusted and a recall must be held over the head of the officials who are charged with the duty of giving effect to the decrees of the referendum. This is a humiliating spectacle of political panic.

In administration we can accomplish a better result by organization. That is where we can use some business sense. The ability required to handle a department or bureau of government is of the executive type, and to this must in many cases be added technical knowledge. Where technical knowledge is an indispensable requirement, the absurdity of selection through a popular election is apparent. Of what value, for example, is the voice of the people in determining the fitness of a man for the post of city engineer, or banking commissioner, or the chief of the State insurance department? Yet offices such as these are in a number of places elective. It is absurd enough to elect a judge. The Federal judges are appointed and the State judges elected from exactly the same bars, but the standard of the former is higher.

Just What We Deserve

usually we get just about what we deserve-and sometimes rather more than we deserve. Seldom do we get less. The voters remain ignorant of public issues, and large classes of the most intelligent citizens neither vote nor seek office. The control of politics is with the professional politicians, whose chief concern is to provide themselves with livings. This would not matter so much if politicians were possessed of talents which enabled them to serve the public interest while serving their own; but this is not usually the case, and to-day it is from the general incompetence of politicians rather than from their occa

every problem in a spirit of scientific truth, and to reach his conclusions through a process of reasoning uninfluenced by sentiment. The practical character of his work makes it second nature for him to strive for performance to follow promise. He must be actually on his job, in close personal contact with his foreman, his mechanics, his laborers; and it is from this contact that he acquires an intimate knowledge of men, their thoughts, their needs, and their ambitions.

Why Business Men Dodge OUT it is not without reason that business men keep out of politics. The successful man of business has at the age of forty years usually established himself. His income then puts him well into the classes that pay surtaxes. He has a position of power and influence and reasonable expectations that his position will improve as time Suppose, however, that he becomes ambitious for a public career, and submits himself as a candidate for Congress, what does he have to face?

goes on.

First, his general character falls under attack by his political opponents; his name is associated with all the many innuendoes and charges that make up the gas service of political warfare. Suppose he survives and is elected to Congress. Then at once his income drops 50 or 75 per cent. He accepts this sacrifice as a contribution to good citizenship, and decides to do his best toward the furtherance of constructive legislation. Very quickly he finds out that the majority of his fellow members are more concerned about party advantage than about the public welfare, that the debate is addressed less to the merits of the issue than to the placating of and pandering to a member's constituents.

If he holds aloof from the chicanery of politics and votes only according to his conscience and reason, he finds himself regarded as a crank by his opponents and a party traitor by his assciates. The party machine will see to it that he is defeated at the next election. Let him take the other tack: let him be a stanch party man with a vote that always can be depended upon. Then he may hope, as a minimum, that his district will continue to return him so long as the majority of its voters remain loyal to the party, and, as a maximum, that he may secure some high political post-the governor of a State, a cabinet position, or a diplomatic or consular office.

A patriotic man might well face these dispiriting characteristics of American political life if there were any strong likelihood that he could render real service to his country, or that he could find in an enduring public esteem some compensation for his loss of time, money, and peace of mind. But no such prospect is before him. Whatever political power he may gather into his hands through long years of arduous activity he can scarcely hope to employ in the public service, for the energy he has hitherto expended in securing power he must now largely expend in retaining it. He will have to meet not only the factious criticism of the opposite party, but also in many cases the paralyzing obstruction of jealous rivalry within his own party.

But the situation is not hopeless. There are signs of improvement. With the growth of government organization we have at least almost outgrown the spoils system in its worst form. The incapacity of politicians to deal with economic questions and their capacity to tax and then to waste the money they raise are serving to make government less impersonal. Under indirect taxation we all of us paid money for the support of public affairs, but we never had to dig down in our pockets all at once for it. A considerable number of people want to know more about how their money is being spent. And in the process of finding out they will begin to elect real representativesthey will distinguish between the men who really represent and those who merely say that they do.