commission; and there used to shuffle up a sum. mary proceeding by examination, without trial of jury; assuming to themselves there to deal both in pleas of the crown, and controversies civil. Then did they also use to enthral and charge the subjects' lands with tenures "in capite," by finding false offices, and thereby to work upon them for wardships, liveries, premier seisins, and alienations, being the fruits of those tenures, refusing, upon divers pretexts and delays, to admit men to traverse those false offices, according to the law. Nay, the king's wards, after they had accomplished their full age, could not be suffered to have livery of their lands, without paying excessive fines, far exceeding all reasonable rates. They did also vex men with informations of intrusion, upon scarce colourable titles. When men were outlawed in personal actions, they would not permit them to purchase their charters of pardon, except they paid great and intolerable sums; standing upon the strict point of law, which upon outlawries giveth forfeiture of goods; nay, contrary to all law and colour, they maintained the king ought to have the half of men's lands and rents, during the space of full two years, for a pain in case of outlawry. They would also ruffle with jurors, and enforce them to find as they would direct, and, if they did not, convent them, imprison them, and fine them. These and many other courses, fitter to be buried than repeated, they had of preying upon the people; both like tame hawks for their master, and like wild hawks for themselves; insomuch as they grew to great riches and substance: but their principal working was upon penal laws, wherein they spared none, great nor small; nor considered whether the law were possible or impossible, in use or obsolete: but raked over all old and new statutes, though many of them were made with intention rather of terror than of rigour, having ever a rable of promoters, questmongers, and leading jurors at their command, so as they could have any thing found either for fact or valuation. 66 There remaineth to this day a report, that the king was on a time entertained by the Earl of Oxford, that was his principal servant both for war and peace, nobly and sumptuously, at his castle at Henningham And at the king's going away, the earl's servants stood, in a seemly manner, in their livery coats, with cognisances, ranged on both sides, and made the king a lane. The king called the earl to him, and said, " My lord, I have heard much of your hospitality, but I see it is greater than the speech: These handsome gentlemen and yeomen, which I see on both sides of me, are sure your menial servants." The earl smiled, and said, "It may please your grace, that were not for mine ease: they are most of them my retainers, that are come to do me service at such a time as this, and chiefly to see your grace." The king started a little, and said, "By my faith, my lord, I thank you for my good cheer, but I may not endure to have my laws broken in my sight: my attorney must speak with you." And it is part of the report, that the earl compounded for no less than fifteen thousand marks. And to show further the king's extreme diligence, I do remember to have seen long since a book of accompt of Empson's, that had the king's hand almost to every leaf, by way of signing, and was in some places postilled in the margin with the king's hand likewise, where was this remembrance. “Item, Received of such a one five marks, for a pardon to be procured; and if the pardon do not pass, the money to be repaid: except the party be some other ways satisfied." And over-against this "Memorandum," of the king's own hand, "Otherwise satisfied." Which I do the rather mention, because it shows in the king a nearness, but yet with a kind of justness. So these little sands and grains of gold and silver, as it seemeth, helped not a little to make up the great heap and bank. But meanwhile, to keep the king awake, the Earl of Suffolk, having been too gay at Prince Arthur's marriage, and sunk himself deep in debt, had yet once more a mind to be a knight-errant, and to seek adventures in foreign parts; and taking his brother with him, fled again into Flanders. That, no doubt, which gave him confidence, was the great murmur of the people against the king's government: and being a man of a light and rash spirit, he thought every vapour would be a tempest. Neither wanted he some party within the kingdom: for the murmur of people awakes the discontents of nobles; and again, that calleth up commonly some head of sedition. The king resorting to his wonted and tried arts, caused Sir Robert Curson, captain of the castle at Hammes, being at that time beyond sea, and therefore less likely to be wrought upon by the king, to fly from his charge, and to feign himself a servant of the earl's. This knight, having insinuated himself into the secrets of the earl, and finding by him upon whom chiefly he had either hope or hold, advertised the king thereof in great secrecy: but nevertheless maintained his own credit and inward trust with the earl. Upon whose advertisement the king attached William Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, his brother-in-law, married to the Lady Catharine, daughter to King Edward the Fourth; William de la Pole, brother to the Earl of Suffolk; Sir James Tirrel, and Sir John Windham, and some other meaner persons, and committed them to custody. George Lord Abergaven ny, and Sir Thomas Green, were at the same time apprehended: but as upon less suspicion, so in a freer restraint, and were soon after delivered had of them no manufacture in use at that time but of knit silk, or texture of silk; as ribands laces, cauls, points, and girdles, &c., which the people of England could then well skill to make. This law pointed at a true principle; "That where foreign materials are but superfluities, foreign manufactures should be prohibited." For that will either banish the superfluity, or gain the manufacture. There was a law also of resumption of patents of jails, and the reannexing of them to the sheriffwicks; privileged officers being no less an interruption of justice, than privileged places. There was likewise a law to restrain the by The Earl of Devonshire being interested in the blood of York, that was rather feared than nocent; yet as one that might be the object of others plots and designs, remained prisoner in the Tower, during the king's life. William de la Pole was also long restrained, though not so straitly. But for Sir James Tirrel, against whom the blood of the innocent princes, Edward the Fifth, and his brother, did still cry from under the altar," and Sir John Windham, and the other meaner ones, they were attainted and executed; the two knights beheaded. Nevertheless, to confirm the credit of Curson, who belike had not yet done all his feats of activity, there was published at Paul's cross, about the time of the said executions, the pope's bull of ex-laws or ordinances of corporations, which many communication and curse against the Earl of Suffolk and Sir Robert Curson, and some others by name; and likewise in general against all the abettors of the said earl: wherein it must be confessed, that heaven was made too much to bow to earth, and religion to policy. But soon after, Curson, when he saw the time, returned into England, and withal into wonted favour with the king, but worse fame with the people. Upon whose return the earl was much dismayed, and seeing himself destitute of hopes, the Lady Margaret also, by tract of time and bad success, being now become cool in those attempts, after some wandering in France and Germany, and certain little projects, no better than squibs of an exiled man, being tired out, retired again into the protection of the Archduke Philip in Flanders, who by the death of Isabella was at that time King of Castile, in the right of Joan his wife. times were against the prerogative of the king, the common law of the realm, and the liberty of the subject, being fraternities in evil. It was therefore provided, that they should not be put in execution, without the allowance of the chancellor, treasurer, and the two chief justices, or three of them, or of the two justices of circuit where the corporation was. Another law was, in effect, to bring in the silver of the realm to the mint, in making all clipped, minished, or impaired coins of silver not to be current in payments; without giving any remedy of weight, but with an exception only of reasonable wearing, which was as nothing in respect of the uncertainty; and so, upon the matter, to set the mint on work, and to give way to new coins of silver, which should be then minted. There likewise was a long statute against vagabonds, wherein two things may be noted; the one, the dislike the parliament had of jailing them, as that which was chargeable, pesterous, and of no open example. The other that in the statutes of this king's time, for this of the nine This year, being the nineteenth of his reign, the king called his parliament; wherein a man may easily guess how absolute the king took himself to be with his parliament, when Dudley, that was so hateful, was made Speaker of the House of Com-teenth year is not the only statute of that kind, mons. In this parliament there were not made any statutes memorable touching public government; but those that were, had still the stamp of the king's wisdom and policy. There was a statute made for the disannulling of all patents of lease or grant, to such as came not upon lawful summons to serve the king in his wars, against the enemies or rebels, or that should depart without the king's licence; with an exception of certain persons of the long robe; providing, nevertheless, that they should have the king's wages from their house till they return home again. There had been the like made before for offices, and by this statute it was extended to lands. But a man may easily see by many statutes made in this king's time, that the king thought it safest to assist martial law by law of parliament Another statute was made prohibiting the bringing in of manufactures of silk wrought by itself, or mixed with any other thread. But it was not of stuffs of whole piece, for that the realm there are ever coupled the punishment of vagabonds, and the forbidding of dice and cards, and unlawful games, unto servants and mean people, and the putting down and suppressing of alehouses, as strings of one root together, and as if the one were unprofitable without the other. As for riot and retainers, there passed scarce any parliament in this time without a law against them: the king ever having an eye to might and multitude. There was granted also that parliament a subsidy, both from the temporalty and the clergy. And yet, nevertheless, ere the year expired, there went out commissions for a general benevolence, though there were no wars, no fears. The same year the city gave five thousand marks, for con| firmation of their liberties; a thing fitter for the beginnings of kings' reigns than the latter ends. Neither was it a small matter that the mint gained upon the late statute, by the recoinage of groats and half-groats, now twelve-pences and sixpences. As for Empson and Dudley's mills, they did grind more than ever: so that it was a strange | upon whom the surest aim that could be taken thing to see what golden showers poured down was, that he would not be long as he had been upon the king's treasury at once; the last payments of the marriage-money from Spain; the subsidy; the benevolence; the recoinage; the redemption of the city's liberties; the casualties. And this is the more to be marvelled at, because the king had then no occasions at all of wars or troubles. He had now but one son and one daughter unbestowed. He was wise; he was of a high mind; he needed not to make riches his glory; he did excel in so many things else; save that certainly avarice doth ever find in itself matter of ambition. Belike he thought to leave his son such a kingdom, and such a mass of treasure, as he might choose his greatness where he would. This year was also kept the sergeants' feast, which was the second call in this king's days. About this time, Isabella, Queen of Castile, de ceased; a right noble lady, and an honour to her sex and times, and the corner-stone of the greatness of Spain that hath followed. This accident the king took not for news at large, but thought it had a great relation to his own affairs, especially in two points: the one for example, the other for consequence. First, he conceived that the case of Ferdinando of Arragon, after the death of Queen Isabella, was his own case after the death of his own queen; and the case of Joan the heir unto Castile, was the case of his own son Prince Henry. For if both of the kings had their kingdoms in the right of their wives, they descended to the heirs, and did not accrue to the husbands. And although his own case had both steel and parchment, more than the other, that is to say, a conquest in the field, and an act of parliament, yet notwithstanding, that natural title of descent in blood did, in the imagination even of a wise man, breed a doubt that the other two were not safe nor sufficient. Wherefore he was wonderful diligent to inquire and observe what became of the King of Arragon, in holding and continuing the kingdom of Castile; and whether he did hold it in his own right; or as administrator to his daughter; and whether he were like to hold it in fact, or to be put out by his son-inlaw. Secondly, he did revolve in his mind, that the state of Christendom might by this late accident have a turn. For whereas, before time, himself, with the conjunction of Arragon and Castile, which then was one, and the amity of Maximilian and Philip his son the archduke, was far too strong a party for France; he began to fear, that now the French king, (who had great interest in the affections of Philip, the young King of Castile, who was in ill terms with his father-in-law about the present government of Castile; and thirdly, Maximilian, Philip's father, who was ever variable, and VOL. I.-48 last before, would, all three, being potent princes, enter into some strait league and confederation amongst themselves: whereby though he should not been dangered, yet he should be left to the poor amity of Arragon. And whereas he had been heretofore a kind of arbiter of Europe, he should now go less, and be over-topped by so great a conjunction. He had also, as it seems, an inclination to marry, and bethought himself of some fit conditions abroad; and amongst others he had heard of the beauty and virtuous behaviour of the young Queen of Naples, the widow of Ferdinando the younger, being then of matronal years of seven-and-twenty: by whose marriage he thought that the kingdom of Naples, having been a goal for a time between the King of Arragon and the French king, and being but newly settled, might in some part be deposited in his hands, who was so able to keep the stakes. Therefore he sent in embassage or message three confident persons, Francis Marsin, James Braybrooke, and John Stile, upon two several inquisitions rather than negotiations. The one touching the person and condition of the young Queen of Naples; the other touching all particulars of estate, that concerned the fortunes and intentions of Ferdinando. And because they may observe best, who themselves are observed least, he sent them under colourable pretexts: giving them letters of kindness and compliment from Catharine the princess, to her aunt and niece, the old and young Queen of Naples, and delivering to them also a book of new articles of peace: which notwithstanding it had been delivered unto Doctor de Puebla, the lieger ambassador of Spain here in England, to be sent; yet for that the king had been long without hearing from Spain, he thought good those messengers, when they had been with the two queens, should likewise pass on to the court of Ferdinando, and take a copy of the book with them. The instructions touching the Queen of Naples were so curious and exquisite, being as articles whereby to direct a survey, or framing a particular of her person, for complexion, favour, feature, stature, health, age, customs, behaviour, conditions, and estate, as, if the king had been young, a man would have judged him to be amorous: but, being ancient, it ought to be interpreted, that sure he was very chaste, for that he meant to find all things in one woman, and so to settle his affections without ranging. But in this match he was soon cooled, when he heard from his ambassadors, that this young queen had had a goodly jointure in the realm of Naples, well answered during the time of her uncle Frederick, yea, and during the time of Lewis, the French king, in whose division her revenue fell, but since the time that the kingdom was in Ferdinando's hands, all was assigned to the army and 212 garrisons there, and she received only a pension | between Ferdinando, King of Arragon, and or exhibition out of his coffers. The other part of the inquiry had a grave and diligent return, informing the king at full of the present state of King Ferdinando. By this report it appeared to the king, that Ferdinando did continue the government of Castile, as administrator unto his daughter Joan, by the title of Queen Isabella's will, and partly by the custom of the kingdom, as he pretended. And that all mandates and grants were expediated in the name of Joan his daughter, and himself as administrator, without mention of Philip her husband. And that King Ferdinando, howsoever he did dismiss himself of the name of King of Castile, yet meant to hold the kingdom without account, and in absolute command. It appeareth also, that he flattered himself with | hopes, that King Philip would permit unto him the government of Castile during his life; which | he had laid his plot to work him unto, both by some counsellors of his about him, which Ferdinando had at his devotion, and chiefly by promise, that in case Philip gave not way unto it, he would marry some young lady, whereby to put him by the succession of Arragon and Granada, in case he should have a son; and lastly, by representing unto him that the government of the Burgundians, till Philip were by continuance in Spain made as natural of Spain, would not be endured by the Spaniards. But in all those things, though wisely laid down and considered, Ferdinando failed; but that Pluto was better to him than Pallas. In the same report also, the ambassadors being mean men, and therefore the more free, did strike upon a string which was somewhat dangerous; for they declared plainly, that the people of Spain, both nobles and commons, were better affected unto the part of Philip, so he brought his wife with him, than to Ferdinando; and expressed the reason to be, because he had imposed upon them many taxes and tallages: which was the king's own case between him and his son. Philip, his son-in-law, King of Castile; resolving with himself to do all that in him lay, to keep them at one within themselves; but howsoever they succeeded, by a moderate carriage, and bearing the person of a common friend, to lose neither of their friendships; but yet to run a course more entire with the King of Arragon, but more laboured and officious with the King of Castile. But he was much taken with the overture of marriage with his daughter Mary; both because it was the greatest marriage of Christendom, and for that it took hold of both allies. But to corroborate his alliance with Philip, the winds gave him an interview: for Philip choosing the winter season, the better to surprise the King of Arragon, set forth with a great navy out of Flanders for Spain, in the month of January, the one-and-twentieth year of the king's reign. But himself was surprised with a cruel tempest, that scattered his ships upon the several coasts of England. And the ship wherein the king and queen were, with two other small barks only, torn and in great peril, to escape the fury of the weather thrust into Weymouth. King Philip himself, having not been used, as it seems, to sea, all wearied and extreme sick, would needs land to refresh his spirits, though it was against the opinion of his council, doubting it might breed delay, his occasions requiring celerity. The rumour of the arrival of a puissant navy upon the coast made the country arm. And Sir Thomas Trenchard, with forces suddenly raised, not knowing what the matter might be, came to Weymouth; where, understanding the accident, he did in all humbleness and humanity invite the king and queen to his house; and forthwith despatched posts to the court. Soon after came Sir John Carew likewise, with a great troop of men well armed: using the like humbleness and respects towards the king, when he knew the case. King Philip doubting that they, being but subjects, durst not let him pass away again without the king's notice and leave, yielded to their entreaties to stay till they heard from the court. The king, as soon as he heard the news, commanded present There was also in this report a declaration of an overture of marriage, which Amason, the secretary of Ferdinando, had made unto the ambassadors in great secret, between Charles, Princely the Earl of Arundel to go to visit the King of of Castile, and Mary, the king's second daughter; assuring the king, that the treaty of marriage then on foot for the said prince and the daughter of France, would break; and that she, the said daughter of France should be married to Angoesme, that was the heir apparent of France. There was a touch also of a speech of marriage between Ferdinando and Madame de Fois, a lady of the blood of France, which afterwards indeed succeeded. But this was reported as learned in France, and silenced in Spain. The king, by the return of this embassage, which gave great light unto his affairs, was well instructed, and prepared how to carry himself Castile, and let him understand that as he was very sorry for his mishap, so he was glad that he had escaped the danger of the seas, and likewise of the occasion himself had to do him honour; and desiring him to think himself as in his own land; and that the king made all haste possible to come and embrace him. The earl came to him in great magnificence, with a brave troop of three hundred horse; and, for more state, came by torch-light. After he had done the king's message, King Philip seeing how the world went, the sooner to get away, went upon speed to the king at Windsor, and his queen followed by easy journeys. The two kings at their meeting used all the caresses There were immediately messengers sent from both kings to recall the Earl of Suffolk; who upon gentle words used to him, was soon charined, and willing enough to return; assured of his life, and hoping of his liberty. He was brought through Flanders to Calais, and thence landed at Dover, and with sufficient guard delivered and received at the Tower of London. Meanwhile, King Henry, to draw out the time, continued his ceived the King of Castile into the fraternity of the Garter, and for a reciprocal had his son, the prince, admitted to the order of the Golden Fleece, he accompanied King Philip and his queen to the city of London, where they were entertained with the greatest magnificence and triumph that could be upon no greater warning. And as soon as the Earl of Suffolk had been conveyed to the Tower, which was the serious part, the jollities had an end, and the kings took leave. Nevertheless, during their being here, they in substance concluded that treaty, which the Flemings term "intercursus malus," and bears date at Windsor; for that there be some things in it, more to the advantage of the English than of them; especially, for that the free-fishing of the Dutch upon the coasts and seas of England granted in the treaty of "undecimo," was not by this treaty confirmed. All articles that confirm former treaties being precisely and warily limited and confirmed to matter of commerce only, and not otherwise. and loving demonstrations that were possible. | counsel of his father-in-law Ferdinando; a prince And the King of Castile said pleasantly to the so prudent, so experienced, so fortunate. The King king, "That he was now punished for that he of Castile, who was in no very good terms with would not come within his walled town of Calais, his said father-in-law, answered, "That if his when they met last." But the king answered, father-in-law would suffer him to govern his "That walls and seas were nothing where hearts kingdoms, he should govern him." were open; and that he was here no otherwise but to be served." After a day or two's refreshing, the kings entered into speech of renewing the treaty; the king saying. that though King Philip's person were the same, yet his fortunes and state were raised in which case a renovation of treaty was used amongst princes. But while these things were in handling, the king choosing a fit time, and drawing the King of Castile into a room, where they two only were private, and lay-feastings and entertainments, and after he had reing his hand civilly upon his arm, and changing his countenance a little from a countenance of entertainment, said to him, "Sir, you have been saved upon my coast, I hope you will not suffer me to wreck upon yours." The King of Castile asked him what he meant by that speech? "I mean it," saith the king, "by that same harebrain wild fellow, my subject, the Earl of Suffolk, who is protected in your country, and begins to play the fool, when all others are weary of it." The King of Castile answered, “I had thought, sir, your felicity had been above those thoughts; but if it trouble you, I will banish him." The king replied, "Those hornets were best in their nest, and worst when they did fly abroad; and that his desire was to have him delivered to him." The King of Castile, herewith a little confused, and in a study, said, "That can I not do with my honour, and less with yours; for you will be thought to have used me as a prisoner." The king presently said, "Then the matter is at end, for I will take that dishonour upon me, and so your honour is saved." The King of Castile, who had the king in great estimation, and besides remembered where he was, and knew not what use he might have of the king's amity, for that himself was new in his estate of Spain, and unsettled both with his father-in-law and with his people, composing his countenance, said, "Sir, you give law to me, but so will I to you. You shall have him, but, upon your honour, you shall not take his life." The king embracing him said, "Agreed." | Saith the King of Castile, "Neither shall it dislike you, if I send to him in such a fashion, as he may partly come with his own good will." The king said, "It was well thought of; and if it pleased him, he would join with him, in sending to the earl a message to that purpose." They both sent severally, and mean while they continued feasting and pastimes. The king being, on his part, willing to have the earl sure before the King of Castile went; and the King of Castile being as willing to seem to be enforced. The king also, with many wise and excellent persuasions, did advise the King of Castile to be ruled by the It was observed, that the great tempest which drove Philip into England, blew down the golden eagle from the spire of Paul's, and in the fall it fell upon a sign of the black eagle, which was in Paul's church-yard, in the place where the schoolhouse now standeth, and battered it, and brake it down: which was a strange stooping of a hawk upon a fowl. This the people interpreted to be an ominous prognostic upon the imperial house, which was, by interpretation also, fulfilled upon Philip, the emperor's son, not only in the present disaster of the tempest, but in that that followed. For Philip arriving into Spain, and attaining the possession of the kingdom of Castile without resistance, insomuch as Ferdinando, who had spoke so great before, was with difficulty admitted to the speech of his son-in-law, sickened soon after, and deceased. Yet after such time, as there was an observation by the wisest of that court, that if he had lived, his father would have gained upon him in that sort, as he would have governed his councils and designs, if not his affections. By this all Spain returned into the power of Ferdi |