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wife," I have found him at length,” said the constable, “and it is no marvel the Queen be sick, seeing there be such conjurors in privy corners; but now I trust he shall conjure no more !"

Delivering up both parties to Tho. Darbyshire, Bonner's relative and the Chancellor of London diocese, after ascertaining who Living was, and charging him with being a schismatic, he immediately ordered the husband to the Bishop's Coal-house, and the wife afterwards to the Lollard's Tower. In conveying the former to his prison, however, the jailor carried him first to his own house in Paternoster Row, and “there," says Living himself,“ he robbed me of my purse, my girdle, my Psalter, and a New Testament of Genera.”

Bringing his victim to the nauseous Coal-house and to the stocks,—“ Put in both your legs, and your hands also,” said the cruel and avaricious man, “and except you fine with me, “ I will put a collar about your neck." “ What is the fine," it was asked. Forty Shillings,” said the jailor; a sum equal in value to at least twenty pounds of the present day! “I am never able to pay it," said Living. “ You have friends that be able,” was the reply ; for well they knew how to take advantage of the generosity and sympathy of the lovers of truth. He then ordered both limbs into the stocks till supper-time, or six o'clock; when a cousin of the prisoner's wife, actually paid forty-pence (equal to about two pounds,) to this monster in waiting, for one hour's ease to partake of food! Then from seven that evening to two the next day he lay thus confined without any intermission; the man waiting no doubt for another fee. After this he also was carried to the Lollard's Tower, “ having the fatour," says the prisoner himself, “ to put my leg in that hole which Master John Philpot's leg was in ; and so lay all that night, nobody coming to me, with either meat or drink.” Next day, however, Living was delivered, on the payment of fifteen shillings for his fees. Thus, on the most moderate calculation, the imprisonment had cost a sum equal to about eleven pounds of our present money ; but had this happened one year earlier, or had the Queen even now, been as lidely as the man himself, he certainly would not have escaped with his life. The “Testament,” of course, which he most of all valued, was gone.

His partner in life had been separately handled, and one of her replies was sufficiently expressive. “You be not ashamed,” said Dale, a promoter, " to tell wherefore you come hither.” “No," replied the good woman, “that I am not, for it is for Christ's Testament."42

But what was this Testament of which they spake? It was the book to which we have referred; a very beautiful one, and now of rare occurrence, printed with a silver type, and on the best paper ; by far the best review of the Sacred text that had yet been made,“ diligently revised by the most approved Greek examples, and conference of translations in other tongues."

It is the first English New Testament, divided into verses, and formed an important preliminary step to the revision of the whole Bible.

42 Fore.-Herbert mentions, “Celius Secundus Curio to his dear friend Fulvius Morato," as translated into English by W. Living. “ Printed by John Alde, 1576." It is an epistle for the godly bringing up of children, and concludes: “ From Luce, 1542, the iiii. of the ides of June, quoth W. Living,"—of Saint Swithen's by London Stone. Curio may be remembered as one of the most interesting characters in M‘Crie's Italy.

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Few mistakes have been more common, and even up to the present day, than that of ascribing the translation of the Scriptures into English to a number of individuals. Thus the name of Tyndale has frequently been associated with various other men : with even an amanuensis, Roye, who was only about fifteen months in his service; with George Joye, though never an associate; with Constantine, though little else than one of those agents who, in early times, conveyed copies of the New Testament into England. The same confusion has prevailed, when referring to this “ Testament of Geneva." “ This translation,” it has been said, “ was made by many of the principal English Reformers.' The translation, correctly speaking, is an improvement of Tyndale's, on comparing it with the Greek original, once more : but so far from many being engaged, the address to the reader at the beginning incontestibly proves it to have been the work of only one man ; and although it cannot even yet be very positively asserted who that individual was, we now offer some interesting particulars respecting one, which will probably leave no hesitation as to his being the person to whom his country stood indebted.

William Whittingham, the branch of a family, not extinct in the male line, till so recently as 1758, was born in the year 1524 at Holmeset, afterwards called Holmeside Hall, six miles from Durham, in the parish of Lanchester. His father, William Whittingham, Esq. of Holmeset, had sent him to Oxford, where he became a commoner at Brazen-nose College about 1540, and made such proficiency in learning, that in 1545 he was elected a fellow of All-Souls. Anthony Wood affirms that he was after this chosen one of the senior students in Christ Church, formerly Cardinal College ; “ Henry VIII. endeavouring to replenish it with the choicest scholars in the University,” precisely as, the reader may remember, Wolsey had first attempted. This is curious enough, as Whittingham was thus following in the same path by which John Fryth had been led, twenty years ago. Whittingham, however, so far from being, like his predecessor, confined in the dungeon below, in May 1550 had leave

43 Lewis, Newcome, Horne, Lowndes, and others.

44 It is perhaps the name of this parish which has led to a mistake, not unusual, that he has born in the city of Chester.

granted him, by the dean and canons, to travel for three years. He embarked for France, intending to go into Italy; but being taken unwell at Lyon, he proceeded first to Paris, and then to Orleans University, spending at least a year and a half between these two cities. After having visited several parts of Germany, his travels terminated at Geneva, where he remained till about May 1553, when his three years had expired. But what a change awaited him on his return ! Edward died on the 6th of July. Christ Church now, must soon have proved as dangerous to him, as Cardinal College, or the same spot, had done to Fryth. Whittingham, with a mind now enlightened, had no idea of waiting till another Cardinal should bear sway, and his agents at Oxford burn Bibles, as Wolsey had treated the New Testament Scriptures. Instead, therefore, of “ leave granted” a second time, just as if to make the parallel more complete, like Fryth or Tyndale before that, he must now fly to the Continent, where he arrived in safety, and at Frankfort, on the 27th of June 1554, with the first exiles who there took up their abode.

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Into the painful and unseemly dissensions which arose among the exiles at this place, in March, the next year, well known since by the title of “ The Troubles of Frankfort,” it is happily not our province to enter. They come before us in connexion with Whittingham, only in passing, but it is in a light hitherto but little, if at all, observed. The war of opinion in England was rising to its utmost virulence, and the flames about to be kindled by it were to blaze in every direction. Nothing, therefore, could be more humiliating, than to see a number of good and able men, who had fled in haste, and but narrowly escaped with their lives, all at once discover so much pertinacity. Surely the ground which both parties had previously occupied, must, in itself, have been untenable, before such a scene could have occurred. There was no difference of opinion, at least expressed, as to the way of a sinful creature's acceptance before his Maker ; none as to repentance towards Go or faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ ; none as to justification, or the necessity for a holy life, the resurrection from the dead, or eternal judgment. But, strange to say, without taking time to exchange sentiments on these fundamental truths ; without any time to recognise and bow to them, as the only cement of any acceptable or lasting union ; taking no time first to kindle up the spirit of individual devotion, and of mutual love or esteem ; although no difference of sentiment existed as to the obligations of social worship, they at once plunged into a vortex, respecting its mere external form of display! Had they been a company of simple-hearted disciples, no such misery need to have occurred, nor probably would ; but they were not only possessed of learning, in a greater or less degree, but mostly official men ; and, alas ! “ the wisdom that cometh down from above, which is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated,” was not there. It had been usual to urge conformity to ceremonial observances, from respect due to the regal authority by which they were enjoined; but here there was no authority whatever, quite the reverse. Yet the Service Book, drawn up by Cranmer, which had been set forth by the authority of a Monarch, under age, Edward VI., now no more, set them unhappily wrong. Neither party had sufficient light to take the high and sacred, the only safe ground, and stand upon it. That is, neither party saw, so as to adore, the fullness and all-sufficiency of the Sacred Record itself, as a Service Book, and Prayer Book, and every thing else in the shape of a book; and the contention actually became so sharp between them, that in the space of less than one solitary fortnight, or from the 13th to the 25th of March, they were divided into two hostile bands! Had both parties immediately died on the spot, no consequences might have ensued, and the hasty contest might have passed away, as the crackling of thorns under a pot. But Providence had appointed otherwise, and that with immediate reference to Sacred Writ, as infinitely above all human composition. One party retired to Geneva and Basil, and the other, who had conquered, and remained at Frankfort, were never united among themselves. Their's was indeed a chapter of “troubles” from beginning to end ; thus affordng to posterity striking lesson of instruction and warning, from which it might have learned much. At this distance, indeed, it may be easy for many to see the cause of this division ; and say—“ it is perfectly evident that they were too precipitate, too hasty or impatient, than which nothing can be so injurious to Christianity; but besides, they seem to have been mistaken altogether as to the essential origin of social religion exemplified.' They were bent, and at once, on the uniformity of profession in the bond of ignorance,' instead of the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace."" Be it so, only it would have been well for thousands since, had they not foundered, again and again, on the self same rock. 45

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Had Whittingham not gone to Frankfort, or had he not been a party concerned in this scene, we should have been saved the necessity of any reference whatever to the subject; but as he was not only present, but deeply interested, and then one of the retiring party ; in retiring with him we shall now have occasion to mark the watchful care of the Almighty over his own Word; once more about to be given to a country, which was once more fighting against it. He, and let it be observed, immediately after this, found out for this confessedly eminent scholar, far different and nobler occupation than that of fighting at Frankfort, about the words which man's wisdom teacheth. Amidst all the war's tumultuous noise, God's own revealed will, must not be neglected. Whittingham had hitherto sustained only the character of a Christian and a scholar. Having had no official, that is, no ministerial character in the Church, he bore still nearer resemblance to John Fryth ; and in his own apprehension, we know, that, “ from his former travels and observations, and his acquisition of several languages,” he imagined “ he had fitted himself more for civil or state employment than any other." No matter; this, we presume, is the individual now selected to sit down, with greater skill and more composure, to the New Testament, than any man since Tyndale himself ; and like him also, happily now unfettered by any human authority whatever. Hitherto Whittingham had lived a single life, but after retiring to Geneva, where he had arrived in the autumn of 1555, he was married to Catharine, the sister of John Calvin.6 Whatever may have been the date of his marriage, this was the time in which he must have applied assiduously to the English New Testament, with “ the most approved Greek examples " before him. To his recension of Tyndale's version, he prefixed two things. First, “an Epistle declaring that Christ is the end of the Law, by John Calvin,” his brother-in-law; and then his own address, of three leaves, “ To the reader.” In this, he speaks throughout in the singular number, taking the entire responsibility upon himself ; and after the broil in which he had previously been involved at Frankfort, his language becomes the more impressive. Adverting to three distinct classes of men, he says

45 For an account of " the troubles of Frankfort," anno 1554, see the original edition, 1575, or the reprint in the Phænix, vol. ii., 46. Old Thomas Fuller gives a very candid statement in his characteristic Church History.

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“Some are malicious despisers of the Word, and graces of God, who turn all things into poison, and a farther hardening of their hearts : others do not openly resist and contemn the Gospel, because they are stricken as it were in a trance with the majesty thereof; yet either they quarrel and cavil, or else deride, and mock at whatsoever thing is done, for the advancement of the same. The third sort are the simple lambs, which partly are already in the fold of Christ, and so hear willingly their Shepherd's voice, and partly wandering astray by ignorance, tarry the time till the Shepherd find them, and bring them unto his flock. To this kind of people, in this translation, 1 chiefly had respect, as moved with zeal, counselled by the godly, and drawn by occasion, both of the place where God hath appointed us to dwell, and also of the store of heavenly learning and judgment, which so aboundeth in this city of Geneva.

To these, therefore, who are of the flock of Christ, which know their Father's will, and are affectioned to the truth, I render a reason of my doing in few lines, &c.”

46 Wood, in his Athenæ, speaks, though with hesitation, of Whittingham having been married at Orleans, on his first visit to the continent, and to Katherine, daughter of Lewis Jacquierre, near that city; but we bave no evidence whatever of his having been the husband of more than one wife, and that he was married to the sister of Calvin is certain, from the words in his epitaph" Mariti Catharinæ Sorroris Johannis Calvin theologi."-Willis, i., p. 253, where no mention is made of any other. Whittingham's name will occur again under the reign of Elizabeth, but any account of him taken from Anthony Wood must be compared with, and corrected by other writers. See Hutchison's History of the C. Pal. of Durham, ii., 143, 150, 378. Forbes State Papers, ii., 207, 418, 487.

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