The visible and decided progress of Divine truth is, however, to be observed, not only in those who suffered, but in the character and station of those who had fled. The teacher of the grammar-school, and the advocate, Johnstone of Edinburgh, must have been men of some talent and influence. The former died in England. His house forfeited, was given to James Bannatyne, W.S. The property of the latter, also falling to the King, was sold for a trifling consideration, chiefly to Reid, abbot of Kinloss, afterwards President of the Court of Session, and Bishop of Orkney, and partly to another individual. Johnstone, however, returned some years after, when he was permitted to live in a single chamber of that house which had been once his own; though, at his death, his body was not allowed to be interred in any churchyard! But the refugees from St. Andrews, the former associates of ALES, were among the most eminent for literature then in the country; and they prove that the disciples of "the new learning," far from being weak men, as some one has grossly asserted, were duly appreciated elsewhere. Of Logie we know nothing afterwards, but having been the Rector or Principal of St. Leonard's College, he had so embued the minds of the students, that when any of them was suspected, it was said that he had drunk of St. Leonard's well." M'Alpine, who changed his name to M'Bee, or Maccabæus, as he was called on the Continent, became a favourite of Christiern, King of Denmark, Professor in the University of Copenhagen, and one of the translators of the Danish Bible. He was the brother-in-law of Miles Coverdale, and to this expatriated native of Caledonia and translator of the Danish Scriptures, that of the English was indebted for his life, as already explained.42 Fife accompanied Ales to the Continent, though not when he first fled from Scotland, but afterwards from England, in 1539; as soon as "the bloody Statute," or that of "the six articles," had passed. At Leipsic he continued to teach as a professor for years; but he returned finally to ended his days at last on the scaffold. Tytler, vol. v., p. 281. Katharine Hamilton, from the Lord Treasurer's accounts, appears not to have left Scotland before November 1535. Proceeding to England next year, she had been introduced to Queen Jane Seymour, and was residing at Berwick in 1539. She was then a widow, having been married to the late Captain of Dunbar, as mentioned by the Duke of Norfolk to Crumwell. See p. 49 of this volume, where that artful letter is placed in its true light. 41 Calderwood MS. i., p. 82. 42 See page 294. his own country, acted as a minister, and died at St. Leonard's, soon after the year 1560, or about five years before Ales. Henry VIII. could certainly have no objections to King James thus sanctioning this shocking martyrdom of his subjects, for in the same condemnation he was deeply involved himself; nor would he now press upon him the reception of the Scriptures, for these, both alike still as stoutly resisted. But, unquestionably, if any embassy has been sent to Scotland at this period, the King of England must have had reasons, and personal to himself. With him the year 1534 was an anxious one, as formerly explained. Suffice it to say here, that this was the critical year in which Henry had been denouncing all political preaching-publicly proclaiming against the supremacy of the Pontiff, and declaring it to be treason to question his own. The proclamation against the authority of Rome had been published in June, and soon after the King discovered his earnest anxiety, that his Nephew should go along with him in his opposition to that court. It was with this view, that shortly before these cruelties in the North, Lord William Howard, as English Ambassador, had arrived in Scotland. This formed the first of a series of intrigues, in order to secure a personal interview with James. Henry had flattered himself that if he could only obtain this, he should be able to mould his nephew to his will; and once separated from his counsellors, or those ecclesiastics into whose hands he had now fallen, since the youthful monarch was so bent upon pleasure and pastime of every description, perhaps he might have succeeded. But although Henry perseveringly pressed this one request, at intervals, for eight years, the two monarchs never met; James and his council continuing to blow hot and cold all that time. Through the influence of the QueenMother, David Beaton being now in France, the present might seem to have been a favourable opportunity, and not to be neglected. For this first attempt, Lord Howard was not exactly the man to have sent, no more than Dr. William Barlow or Thomas Holcroft, who followed him. They all proved rather too ardent in their Royal Master's service, notwithstanding the very cautious instructions drawn up for their guidance, in a minute, corrected by Crumwell. These instructions were curious enough. After making his best bow to the young King, to the Queen-Mother, and to the Lord High Treasurer, Bishop Stewart, Lord William was, as soon as he had convenient opportunity, to obtain measure of the King's person, and cause such garments to be made for him, of such stuff as he shall have with him for this purpose, in the best fashion that could be devised, by such a tailor and broiderer, as he shall have with him, for that intent; which garments speedily furnished, 43 Cald. MS. i., p. 78. he shall, with such horses as he shall have assigned to him, make present to the said King of Scots." Having thus paved his way, he was upon this occasion to inform his Highness that his uncle the King" was greatly desirous, and nothing more coveteth, than to see his person, and specially to have conference with him, in matters that should undoubtedly redound to both their honours and glory, and the weal of their realms and subjects.” Lord William, "in right loving wise," was then to salute the Bishop Lord Treasurer," and declare that as an interview was like very shortly to ensue between his uncle and the French King," Henry would be "right joyous and glad" to have his nephew present; would willingly pay all the expenses of his Highness and his retinue; and then in France they should all three consult for the wealth of their three realms. Meanwhile, Howard was to implore that no encouragement should be given to any Irish rebels against Henry, and that the royal favour should be restored to the Earl of Angus and his brother Sir George; proposing that James should receive "the honourable order of the Garter," which the Emperor, the French King, and Ferdinand King of the Romans, had already accepted. To all this, however, Henry added his "Ambassiate and Declaration concerning his own supremacy," exciting his nephew to follow him, and vindicate his own authority from the encroachments of Rome.44 The apparel and the horses, James, of course, accepted; but unfortunately for the "declaration," so far from considering it, all that his Highness did was to hand it to his clergy, for their perusal! The idea of the three Sovereigns meeting together, if we were to believe Margaret, the Queen-Mother, was not so lightly treated, down as late as December;45 and yet it is difficult, if not impossible to reconcile this, with Stewart, the Lord Treasurer, travelling through England to France in the previous August, where Beaton, the Abbot of Arbroath, was residing, in great intimacy with Francis, the reigning Sovereign. The probability is, that Scotland, as well as England, had already commenced that double game with each other, which they continued to play for years. It is, however, certain, that in the month of December, the two governments and their respective chiefs, were distinctly at variance on one 44 Gov. State Papers, v., p. 1-6. Our historians in general have supposed that some book was sent to James at this period, for his grave perusal. Pinkerton, and recently, Tytler, have gone so far as to name it,—“ The doctrine for any Christian man," or "the King's Book;" but that was not published till nine years after, in 1543; nor the "Institution of a Christian man," or "the Bishop's Book," till 1537. Lingard has conjectured that it might be "the true obedience" of Gardiner, which was printed this year, or the "Vera differentia Regiæ Potestatis, et Ecclesiasticæ," ascribed to Fox of Hereford, now also published. But in those days it is well known that a Letter or Address, though not above a sheet, was frequently styled "a book," and there appears to have been no book sent, properly so called. Such is the representation of Strype, and he has given the document, or the "Ambassiate and Declaration" from the original manuscript, in the Cottonian collection. Compare Cleop. E. vi., fol. 259, with Strype's Appendix, No. Ixiii. 46 Gov. State Papers, vol. v., pp. 10-12. subject the authority or power of the Pontiff and his underlings; though James is still represented as determined to "keep his kindness and treaty of peace, without any inclination to the contrary."46 Such, then, was the state of Scotland and England at the close of 1534. In one sense, directly opposed to each other, and in another, exhibiting precisely the same aspect. Scotland profoundly attached to the rule of the Pontiff, and England proclaiming throughout the country hostility to Rome: but amidst all the turmoil of political affairs, both governments had found time to be alike enraged, and for the same cause; both alike imagining a vain thing that they should be able successfully to stem the introduction of the Divine word. Again, both countries had furnished their respective martyrs in this single-handed struggle, though neither of them at home could show even one open, bold, and determined advocate for the Scriptures. John Fryth, it is true, had come home from abroad, and shewn the people of England how to die, rather than deny the truth; as Patrick Hamilton and others had nobly done in Scotland. But the present was distinguished as the moment when TYNDALE on behalf of England, and ALES on the part of Scotland, occupied a position all their own, and one which was singular throughout Europe. "Say not, said Tyndale upon one occasion to England, "Say not that ye be not warned;" and so might Ales have now said to his King and countrymen. With a nation on one side, and a solitary exile on the other, in reference to both countries; while the Sacred Volume had been actually reading in both, and for eight years, in spite of their respective rulers; perhaps no cause was ever more evidently exhibited to be that of God, and not of man. No exact resemblance to this, was then to be found in any land. 46 Idem, p. 14. York was the city fixed on for a personal interview, though Newcastle was broached at one time. The meeting was proposed after this, putting France out of view, in the years 1535, 1536, and 1542. SECTION IV. FROM 1535 TO 1537-THE FUTURE EXERTIONS AND WRITINGS OF ALES, TILL HIS DEATH IN 1565-STATE OF SCOTLAND-PROVINCIAL COUNCIL OF THE PRELATES-AGITATION-READING OF THE NEW TESTAMENT FORBIDDEN BY PROCLAMATION-PROGRESS OF THE CAUSE. I N the course of our English history, these three years, from 1535 to 1537, abounded with interesting details, as including the year before and after Tyndale's martyrdom; the first being that of his imprisonment, the second that of his death, and the third so distinguished for the arrival of his Bible in London. On turning to Scotland, the interest is deepened. We there discover throughout, increasing alarm at the progress of "the new learning," and determined opposition to the Sacred Volume, as translated by Tyndale, and already so powerfully enforced by Ales. Before proceeding farther, however, since ALES, as well as Tyndale, never returned to his native land, the reader may naturally wish to know, at once, what became of him. Owing to the noise made by Cochlæus, he required soon to remove from his place of residence. Wherever that had been, his next abode, for a short time, was Antwerp itself; but as Tyndale had already been seized and removed to Vilvorde, they never could have enjoyed the pleasure of meeting each other in this world. For some time before his removal to this city, Ales had become intimately acquainted with Melancthon; and this intimacy seems to have paved the way for our Scotish exile being invited into England. At the same time, the existing state of things in Scotland, as already explained, with the anxiety of Henry VIII. to interfere respecting them; probably not unconnected with the talents, the attainments, and sentiments of Ales, may account for the courtesy with which he was received. At all events, instead of "the dreadful dungeon" at St. Andrews, he was now accommodated at Lambeth Palace; and before long, though out of favour with his own sovereign, he was known and distinguished in London by the title of " the King's Scholar." In England he remained upwards of four years, where his first occupation was akin to that of Professor of Divinity at Cambridge. "I was sent," he says, "to read a lecture of the Scripture there." But the heads of that University, not being yet able to bear such doctrine, he had to withdraw again to London. We have already seen him, in 1536, discussing the authority and all-sufficiency of the Word of God," with the Bishops in |