surprised that that class-the agricultu- the Address to the Throne. In that year, ral-whose property must so materially 1822, the army, navy, and ordnance,. suffer, did not see that taxation was the amounted to sixteen millions, in round canker-worm-the dry-rot, that under- numbers. In 1823, when they had a mined their property. This was the evil Speech stating to the House, that great to which they ought to apply the remedy. reductions would be made in the estimates The extravagant expenditure of which he in that very year, those estimates were complained had not been confined to the increased by half a million sterling. army and navy. The civil establishments the following year, these estimates were had averaged more than 26,000,000l. a- raised to 17,500,000Z. In 1825, the year; whilst our debt, on an average, had same amount was continued; and, in the increased by three millions a-year. It present year, those very estimates, which in aught to consider whether parliament, in 1822 amounted to only sixteen millions, its first Address to the Crown, should not were no less than 17,800,000l. being an manfully pledge itself to a scrupulous and increase to an amount which ought to rigid examination of all the public ex- induce the House not to let the present penses, with a view to effect every reduc- moment pass, without expressing their tion consistent with the safety of the coun- opinion, that it was by taxation that the try. The House ought not to be, and the present evils had been brought on. An country would not be, led aside from this hon. friend on his left (Mr. Baring) was paramount object, by the high-sounding frequently introducing the subject of the words of the right hon. gentleman. Good currency to the House. He would ask God, what a situation did the country that hon. gentleman, and the country genstand in ! He would ask any hon. mem- tlemen at large, who it was that had to ber to name the country where privation, bear the load of this continued taxation? distress, and positive starvation, were equal Let them compare the relative situations to those which at present pressed upon of England in 1817 and 1818, after the the population of this empire. The evil termination of the war, when their prohad arrived to such a magnitude, that it perty was of high value, in relation to endangered the very existence of the state. the currency. He would ask these However exemplary the conduct of the country gentlemen whether, now that the people had been under the cruel circum- currency was raised in value by twentystances into which they had been thrown, five per cent, they were able to pay the it was impossible for the evil to continue same amount of taxation which they bemuch longer. Would government expect fore paid? He would beg these gentlethe people to lie down and starve? The men to consider the manner in which table of the House would be loaded with they had to discharge their obligations. petitions upon this subject. Some peti- In 1817, the amount of taxation might be tioners would pray for banishment-others estimated to equal 15,000,000 quarters would pray for any possible relief from the of corn. They were now called upon to acuteness of their sufferings. Could the pay 17,000,000 quarters. The actual House refuse to such people the declara- difference was at least 1,500,000 quartion that it would immediately direct its ters, and which was to be paid for taxes, attention to their wants? If, upon in- in many cases, quite unnecessary and exquiry, it should appear that the present travagant. He would advise the country expenditure was proper, he would not ob- gentlemen to look well to their situation, ject to things remaining as they were; and not to be led astray by false or empty if otherwise, they were in duty bound to boasting, that the country had been rerelieve the sufferings of those who sur- lieved from taxation. When they settle rounded them. He would say, that tax- their accounts at the end of the year, they ation was not reduced, and that the pub- will find themselves much worse off than lic establishments were even increased. at the end of former years. Was there a He would state one instance. The great man in that House who could say that the war expenditure was in the army, navy, situation of agricultural labourers was to and ordnance. A reference to the papers be envied, in comparison to that of other on the table of the House, would show, classes? Every class and interest was that these heads of expenditure were suffering, and such deep and general evil brought to the lowest pitch in 1822; could not depend, as was pretended, upon agreeably to the wish of the House, and a casual cause. The source of the evil

was deeply rooted. It was lamentable to this were so, what necessity was there to see the sufferings of a people that were keep up a standing army of 86,000 men? enlightened by instruction, and placed in If the right hon. Secretary would direct a situation to appreciate benefits, or to his agents at each foreign port to send feel the evils that press upon them. It him an account of the population and was afflicting to see such a people raised to taxes of the country in which he resided, pride and the keenness of sensibility, by he would find that England stood unknowledge and intelligence, and yet equalled in amount of taxation. Every pressed down by want and every sort of English person, man, woman, and child, mortification. This was to be accounted paid every year at the rate of 31. 10s. a for only by taxation. If no relief could be head in taxes. In no other country did afforded to them, let them have at least the people pay half as much. When the the consolation to feel that the House had French revolution led us into war in 1793, done its duty. There was not a merchant, the taxes amounted to only 16,000,000l., a manufacturer, or an agriculturist, who and every individual was comfortable in could deny that property was depreciated. his class. Let gentlemen look at France Profits were reduced, if not totally anni- at the present moment. She was proshilated. He should repeat that, if minis- perous and happy every man there had ters were not able to give relief to the enough, whilst in England it was directly country, they ought at once to say so. the reverse; scarcely any of the labouring They wished to get over the evil day, and classes had more than the bare means of leave the result to the chapter of acci- existence. The rental of England was dents. The final evil might fall upon their estimated at 40,000,000l., and more than successors. This might be very well for the rental by one half was extracted from those who calculated solely upon the the people.-He would now advert to the tenure of office, and viewed the possibility Corn-laws. The ministers had promised ef removal; but it was not so for those to meet this subject, and the plan they whose capital and property were affected now proposed was trifling with the peoby such conduct. With respect to our ple: it was equally an insult to those who foreign relations, he conceived that Eng- supported, and those who opposed the land had no business to meddle with fo- Corn-laws. If the Corn-laws ought not reign countries. She had enough to do to be maintained, what time could be with her own affairs. She had it in her more proper than the present to alter power to be comfortable and secure within them? Every man in England looked herself, and therefore need not interfere for that alteration at the present juncture. with other countries. The people would Every public assembly had agreed on this not bear to be taxed so enormously, to pur- subject, not as formerly, by divisions, or sue the present line of foreign policy. With with difficulty; but each meeting had carrespect to Portugal, the House would not ried its Address unanimously, for taking do its duty if it did not inquire whether these laws into consideration. Landlords, such conduct ought to be pursued. This like other people, were bound to take being his opinion, he was led to believe care of their own interests; but, on the that ministers were not aware of the situa- other hand, he entreated them to consi tion in which the country was placed. If der, whether it was not material to all they were, it would be impossible for them connected with them, to have the questo speak in so cool a manner of the gene- tion decided ?-There was another subject ral distress; nor could they maintain so on which he had wished to expatiate. great an army, merely to cope with the There ought, in his opinion, to have been military despots of the continent. He a statement from the Throne, recommendsaw in government a disposition to render ing a revision of the whole of the civil the military power paramount in England. law. At present, the process at law was The institutions of the country were all endless, expensive, and most uncertain. civil, but the military was tampering with Its evils had never been exceeded. Could the civil power, and interfering in a man- any people sit down content under such ner that ought to be stopped. He spoke a state of civil law? The criminal law not of any individuals, but of the system had been, by every body, condemned as generally. Ministers had thought proper severe beyond reason, and in every respect to congratulate the country, that there improper to exist in a Christian country. existed no apprehensions of a war. It would be a sad reproach to parliament

If

if some measures were not taken upon this | in Ireland were cut off, a saving of no less subject. Upon this point, it was his in- than three millions might be made. Ireland tention to place upon record his opinions, might then be made a source of profit, however humble.-One other topic, and instead of being not only a millstone round he should have done. He meant the our necks at present, but a check and imstate of Ireland. Any man, looking round pediment hereafter to future exertions. him, and anxious to select that place upon It was the duty of that House to compel the globe most subject to misgovernment ministers to this inquiry; it was their duty and abuse, would, at once, select Ireland to compel them to probe the wound and as the unhappy spot. Taking into consi- to apply the remedy. The people of Irederation the circumstances and situation land were led to expect this, from what of that country, one was at a loss where to took place in the last parliament; begin, or what to say. The entire state and he implored the House not to let of things in Ireland called for revision; their expectations be disappointed. Let and he hoped that that revision would be them not go on experiencing delay after both speedy and effectual. There was a delay, until the bitterness of hope deferred viceroy established in Ireland, which there should drive them to the phrenzy of deought not to be. That office ought to spair. He cautioned government not to have been removed at the Union, and he go too far in neglecting the complaints hoped it would not be allowed to continue and the sufferings of that misgoverned much longer. But the viceroy was not country, but at once to come manfully all. There was, in addition, an Irish forward, and grant to them those rights secretary, who was placed as a check upon and privileges which the constitution bethe former; and his Majesty's ministers stowed equally upon all British subjects. thus succeeded in obtaining that which By doing this, they would prevent England had been so long the wish of all the na- from being any longer the scoff of Europe. tions of Europe-the establishment of a "Where," said the other European nations, balance of power; nay, after this doctrine "is the boasted equality of England? had been scouted by other nations, it How dares she to hold herself up as a free had, by the wisdom of our government, and generous nation, while she denies been transferred to Ireland. While the to Ireland an equal participation in her present system was pursued in Ireland, it rights and privileges?" It was the duty was impossible that the people of that of parliament to call upon ministers not to country could obtain a full and equal delay a single hour the removal of this foul share of those rights and liberties to which, injustice to Ireland, and of this blot upon as British subjects, they were entitled. the English name and character. How Ministers had not, on the present occasion, could we expect peace and unanimity in advised his Majesty to recommend a single Ireland while she was kept in the situation measure, even, of inquiry into the present of a military garrison? But let the legisstate of Ireland. It appeared that they lature remove the cause of irritation in had not made up their minds upon that that island, and it might also remove the question. But, if they had not made up, garrison: let equal rights and privileges be or could not make up, their minds upon given to all classes, and then instead of a it, they ought not to stand in the way of discontented and irritated population, we others. He was aware that a part of his should have a set of loyal and valuable Majesty's ministers were willing to extend fellow-subjects. It was not, however, to to Ireland the blessings of the British be expected, that without such concessions constitution, and thus put an end to the Ireland could be satisfied. The great anarchy which at present reigned in mass of the inhabitants of that country that country. Was it to be tolerated, that could not be satisfied while they were exEngland should be obliged to keep an cluded from their birthright as British army of 22,000 men continually in Ire- subjects. And for what? What was land, in order to govern and keep her their crime? The only one was that of in the situation of a conquered state? adhering to the religion of their foreThis army too, be it remembered, was fathers. This, he contended, was a subpaid and supported by England. Why ject which ought to engage the attention not at once take away 15,000 of these of the new parliament. At all events, he 22,000 men? He maintained, that if all would give them an opportunity of exthe branches of unnecessary expenditure pressing their opinions upon it. Would

enormous expense, and with vexatious | extraordinary situation in which the coundelay: