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had conferred upon the country, by bringing these questions fairly under the consideration of parliament.

Sir George Chetwynd said, that having for many years been in the habit of superintending the administration of the laws as a magistrate, he could but express his gratitude to the right hon. gentleman, not only for the improvements which he had already introduced, but for those which he was about to introduce into our criminal jurisprudence.

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so many ardent prayers for its alteration and amendment if he could now look upon what had been done, and see the promise of still greater and more important reformations likely to be fulfilled, he would, indeed, exclaim, that he had not lived in vain. If he saw seated in the chair of legal reformation, which it had been his ambition to fill, a gentleman so worthy to occupy his place, he would willingly resign into his hand, all the great plans he had formed for the benefit of Mr. Hobhouse said, that the present mankind and the reformation of the was one of those occasions in which it was criminal code. That there must be jarring the duty of all those who felt strongly, to opinions upon changes of such magnitude, attempt to give utterance to the feelings every man would allow; but when the test under which they laboured. In all the had been applied-when it was seen that admirable address which the House had what had been done was done successfully, just heard from the lips of the right hon. I and that the means were sufficient to the Secretary, there was only one part to end-when it was proved that the alterations which he e was inclined to make any excep- were as wisely conceived, as the mode of tion, and that was the part in which carrying them into effect was practically the right hon. gentleman had told them, beneficial, he could not but implore the that it was possible that by pursuing a dif- right hon. gentleman not to pause in his rent course from that which he had fol- career, but, by pursuing the same wise, temlowed, a more splendid fame might have perate, and vigilant, course, consummate been acquired. Upon that point alone, the glorious work whichhe had undertaken. he begged leave to express his dissent. It had often been his unfortunate duty to The right hon. gentleman was mistaken. convey to the House the sentiments of his A more slpendid fame than that which he constituents, when they were not in aphad already earned.could not be acquired, proval of the conduct pursued by the right and the right hon. gentleman must have hon. gentleman and his colleagues: hej seen the earnest of that fame, which he therefore, thought it a happiness to have would enjoy to the latest posterity, in the to convey to the right hon. gentleman the applauses which he had already received sentiments of the same body, when they from men of all parties in the country- were loudly expressed in his favour. What applauses which stamped on his exertions he was going to mention was, perhaps, a reputation, which no future act of the hardly worth the right hon. gentleman's right hon. gentleman would be able to de- notice, still he trusted that the right stroy [cheers]. The right hon. gentleman hon. gentleman would not despise it. It had to de with a subject which many was a custom in the city which he had great and good men, who had gone before the honour to represent, for the conhim, had attempted, but in vain, to remedy. stituent body to have an anniversary Those who preceded the right hon. gen- meeting with their representatives; in tleman had, however, only the will. For- which the constituent body communicated tunately for himself, and fortunately for to those representatives the sentiments on his is country, the right hon. gentleman had which they thought that their representalikewise the power; and, with the power tives ought to act, and which were held and the will combined, it was impossible up to them as worthy of admiration. He that he should not, if he lived, see the best hoped the right hon. gentleman would not results emanate out of his exertions. If think that he was obtruding an improper one of the persons to whom he alluded fact upon his attention, when he told him if one of those great minds, who had that, upon every such recent aniversary, formed plans for the good of mankind-if his name had been held up as among those the man who once represented his consti- which were considered to be ranied with tuents in that House, and held the seat the benefactors of their country. He saw which he now so unworthily held-if sir the chancellor of the Exchequer srile: her Samuel Romilly, who had so often regretted could not help it-there were cerin pre+ the state of the criminal law, and breathed judices to be overcome. On many ques

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tions the right hon. Secretary had pursued a course which was not very congenial to the feelings of the electors of Westminster; but, on this subject, they only saw in him a reformer of great abuses, and a man who was doing all he could to benefit his country. He owed the House an apology for introducing this matter into the discussion: but he trusted that, insignificant as it might appear to some members, it would encourage the right hon. Secretary not to delay in his praise-worthy career. He anticipated for the right hon. gentleman a more splendid fame than the modesty of the right hon. gentleman would permit him to anticipate for himself. He had laid the basis for being a great man, by showing himself to be a good one [Cheers]. Mr. Sykes objected to the power given by certain bills to convict offenders by summary process before one magistrate. As a magistrate he did not like the responsibility thus thrown upon him; and, as a man, he would prefer that the conviction should take place before two magistrates. In all attempts to improve the criminal justice of the country, attention should be paid to the county rates, which were now increasing, in all parts of the country, to an alarming extent. Indeed, in one place with which he was acquainted, the county rates were greater in amount than the poor-rates were thirty years ago. In conclusion, he applauded the right hon. Secretary for proceeding, step by step, in his attempts to amend the criminal jurisprudence of his country.

Mr. Cripps said, that it was unnecessary for him to offer more than one word on the excellence of the measures which had been proposed by the right hon. Secretary. The improvements which he had already made in our criminal law were above all praise; as were also those which he had now suggested. In reply to the observations of the hon. member for Hull, on the impropriety of giving one magistrate a summary power of conviction, he observed, that it was necessary that one magistrate should have that power, as there were many parts of the country in which it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to get two magistrates. The increase in the county rates was occasioned by two causes very dissimilar the increase of crime, of road-making and bridge-making throughout the country. He was extremely glad that the subject had attracted the notice of the right hon. Secretary. notaleg

Mr. Battey returned his thanks to the right hon. gentleman for the admirable speech which he had that evening delivered. He was quite convinced that the comprehensive plans disclosed in that speech would have the effect of diminishing the amount of capital punishment. He would not trouble the House further than by saying, that the right hon. gentleman had achieved for himself a permanent fame, and that his exertions were calculated to produce the most salutary results on the morals of society.

Mr. Secretary Peel said, he should be guilty of great injustice to the House, if he did not briefly express the gratitude which he felt for the general support which his proposed measures had received. It was most gratifying to him to observe a complete oblivion of all party and personal feeling, when the object before the House was an endeavour to effect a great public benefit. Such a support was the most honourable testimony that could be borné to the utility of his efforts, and the uprightness of his intentions. He would not, on the present occasion, make any ob servations on the subject which had been alluded to by an hon. gentleman opposite; he meant the melancholy increase of crime. He had, however, caused comparative tables to be drawn up, and he was sorry to observe, but he owed it to justice to declare, that the comparison of the present with former periods was not satisfactory. Perhaps, however, the overgrown amount of the population might be adduced as one of the reasons which produced that unfavourable result. That, however, this subject had not escaped his attention, and that he meant to endeavour to apply some remedy for the evil, must be obvious to the hon. gentleman, as he had given notice of a motion for an inquiry into the state of the police within ten miles of the metropolis. When that motion came forward, the whole question could be discussed.

Leave was given to bring in the several bills. mis xiluagh

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, February 23.lq bunnol CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.] Viscount' Lorton rose to present a petition from the Protestant Inhabitants of the county of Sligo, against granting any further concessions to the Catholics and la present

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ing it, he begged to say a few words on the their skulking places. The priests were subject matter of the Petition. He wished so exasperated by the progress which the to see an emancipation in Ireland-he was reformation was making in Ireland, that an advocate for emancipation-but it was their rage knew no bounds. His lordship the emancipation of the Protestants, not here referred to an extract of a speech the emancipation of those who urged their alleged to have been delivered by a Catholic claims in a manner hostile to the consti- priest, in consequence of a bible meeting, tution of the country. He could assure The extract concluded with these words their lordships, that the Protestants were "Blood has been shed in France, in Spain, persecuted and proscribed in Ireland, and and in Italy, and why shall not Ireland would be forced out of the country or an- assert her rights?" Here was a sample of nihilated, if they were not protected. the spirit by which the Irish priesthood There was a Roman Catholic parliament were influenced. This language was ut sitting at Dublin, which had been more tered on the 18th of June, in the chapel of outrageous since an act of parliament had Roscommon, immediately on the eve of the been passed to put it down. The Catholic election. He maintained, that it would Association continued its meetings, and be of the greatest benefit, both to Protestwas more mischievous than ever. At first, ants and Catholics, to free them from the the higher orders stood aloof; but after furious bigotry of men who would, if they the Catholic clergy gave it their coun- had the power, crush the bodies of the tenance, it was joined by all ranks, from former, upon the same principle that they the highest to the lowest, and all the now kept the minds of the latter in gross members were as zealous in the cause as ignorance. Besides the petition which he the first furious demagogues. Such was should now present, he had also petitions the power of the Pope in Ireland over the to lay before their lordships, from the minds of those who were members of his bishops and clergy of the dioceses of Elphin, church, that not only were the most bitter Kilalla, and Clogher, and two petitions denunciations uttered against every thing from the county of Monaghan. Before Protestant, against the established Church, he sat down, he would read a passage from and institutions of the country, but even a letter addressed to a noble friend of his the Protestant gentry were held forth to by that notable Jesuit, who wrote under the infuriated peasants as fit subjects for the signature of I. K. L. (Dr. Doyle). The assassination. Their lordships must be following was the language of a man whose well acquainted with the Philippics deli-influence was paramount with the Cathovered by O'Connell and Sheil, the latter of whom had, in the most dastardly manner, attacked his royal highness, the late commander-in-chief, at the very moment that he was on his death-bed. The speeches of these and other demagogues had excited the peasants to such a pitch of fury, that a rebellion was apprehended; and, should it break out, he hoped that the most promptness, constitute its present chief support. measures would be taken to prevent the Catholic leaders from leaving Ireland. They ought not to be suffered to escape with impunity, after they had set the country in a blaze. Sheil had stated, in one of his speeches, that Ireland might easily be invaded by means of steam: but he would contend that this new discovery afforded the best protection against sudden surprise on the part of a foreign enemy, and that one British company could furnish more steam-vessels than were to be found in all Europe besides. The Popish demagogues were playing the game of brag, and if they were resolutely met, they would, like all other bullies, very soon retire into

lics :-" I think the church establishment must fall sooner or later; its merits in Ireland are too well known-it has been brought to the light, and its works being such as do not bear the light, it will, it must, suffer loss as soon as an impartial judgment can be passed upon it. Clamour, bigotry, enthusiasm, and a spirit of selfish

It derives no aid from reason, justice, or public utility. Its old connection with the Crown, and that aversion to experimental innovation, which characterizes every wise government, unite to defend it; but, if the passions of the people were calmed, some man with the spirit and power of Burke, who arranged that chaos, the Civil List,' and purified, without injuring them, the revenues and prerogatives of the Crown itself-some such man would arise and free the nation from the reproach of the Irish temporal establishment; the would relieve religion from an incubus, and the land of the country, with its proprietors and cultivators, from an intolerable

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and the Catholics of Ireland were like lambs under the wolf-law of the Protestants. Instant norma -998-0f

The Lord Chancellor admitted that he had, on a former occasion, when present! ing a petition, taken an opportunity to express his opinion, that it was more con sistent with the usage of parliament, that noble lords should not make the present1 ing of petitions an occasion for entering into a debate. The noble baron had not chosen to follow this advice; though he had always thrown his words back in his teeth. When the noble lord talked of wolves and lambs, it was not difficult for their lordships to decide whether the peti tions he usually presented came from the wolves or the lambs. While he was on his legs, he would take that opportunity of stating, that for twenty-five years he had given the subject to which the peti tions related his most serious consideration, in order to come to a right conclusion. He would not then enter into it, but reserve the full expression of his opinion for the day when the question should be debated; but he would declare, that in his conscience he thought, though he did not say that other noble lords might not conscientiously think differently, that to grant the Catholics any further conces sions would be to betray the civil and re

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Ordered to lie on the table.upos. llaw 20 yd banov

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

196Lord King said, that the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, who, at the commencement of the session, had recom-ligious liberties of this country, mended that long speeches should not be made on presenting petitions, must make an exception in favour of the noble viscount opposite, whose sentiments on this question, Monday, February 26. basm were so congenial with his own. The noble viscount told their lordships, that GRANT TO THE DUKE AND DUCHESS the Protestants of Ireland were an op- OF CLARENCE-PETITION FROM MANpressed and proscribed people. The best CHESTER AGAINST.] Mr. Hume said, he answer which could be given to the speech held in his hand a petition, which had of the noble lord, was to be found in a been agreed to at a numerous meeting of petition which he intended to present. He the inhabitants of Manchester. The pewould read a sentence from it, and, in doing titioners stated, that they had endured so, was stating the case of the oppressed, great privations and distresses, from the not of the law-makers and powerful. The fall in the rate of wages, and that they passage was this-"That your petitioners had endured them with patience and formost humbly beg to state, that their un-bearance; but they could not behold with protected situation and condition marks indifference such a disregard of the conthem out to perpetual notice and hostility; dition of the suffering working classes as that they are the objects of the reproaches was manifested in the proposal to give sof the evil-disposed, who strive to heap the duke of Clarence an addition of wrong upon wrong, and injury upon injury, 9,000l. a-year to his income. The' petiin order to render them odious in the eyes tioners begged to suggest, that if it was of the legislature." The complaints made absolutely necessary that the duke should against the Catholics reminded him of the have a larger income than the junior fable of the wolf and the lamb. The lamb branches of the royal family, in conse was tried and found guilty by wolf-law; quence of his proximity to the throne, the

best method of creating the necessary increase would be, in the present state of the country, to reduce the incomes of those junior branches, and leave his royal highness in possession of the income he enjoyed now. The petitioners also stated, that they had no prospect of any increase of wages, or of the means of existence, from the increase of commerce. Their only hope was founded upon a reduction of taxation; and they implored the House, by checking the disposition to improvident grants of all kinds, to endeavour to carry that object into effect.

Mr. John Wood said, he was perfectly satisfied, that, if greater time had been allowed, the table would have been crowded with petitions from all parts of the kingdom against the grant. He implored the House to recollect, that, although the people, thus placed in the extremity of distress, were quiet, they were not indifferent to a vote which seemed to be a mockery of their situation. They were not so absurd as to suppose that any relief could be given them by abstaining from that grant. They did not suppose that their sufferings could be aggravated by the giving away of a sum of 9,000l.; but they did think, that in the situation in which they and the country were placed, a vote to that amount was a mockery of their sufferings, which might well have been spared. At a time when an equitable adjustment was mentioned in that House, and when the country was about, as it were, to take the benefit of the Insolvent act, he thought the proposal of any additional income to the royal family exceedingly impolitie. It was, indeed, as if a debtor on the eve of a bankruptcy was to give a splendid entertainment, and to say to those who might remonstrate upon the impropriety of such extravagance, "Oh, my debts and embarrassments are so great, that the sum I am now spending cannot make a difference of one farthing in the pound to my creditors." The grant now proposed might not aggravate the sufferings of the people; but, in the eyes of the working classes, it possessed an appearance of insult and heartless indifference, which ought to be avoided.

Ordered to lie on the table.

DOUBLE LAND TAX-PETITION OF THE EARL OF SHREWSBURY AND OTHER ROMAN CATHOLICS.] Mr. Abercromby

| said, he had a petition of some importance to present from the English Roman Ca tholic Land-holders. It was signed by the earl of Shrewsbury, lord Stafford, and several other distinguished persons, and prayed the attention of the House and the government to a subject well worthy of their attention. It was probable that not many members of that House were aware of the fact, that Roman Catholics had been subject, for many years, to pay a double land-tax; so that if a Protestant was called upon to pay four shillings in the pound, a Roman Catholic was rer quired to pay eight shillings. That unequal distribution of the burthen had been first imposed in the reign of king William, and had remained unaltered down to the year 1794, when it was expressly intended, by the acts passed at that time, to relieve them. Those acts had, however, in their operation, become totally ineffectual to the purpose for which they were intended, and upon proceedings lately had in the Exchequer, the Attorney and Solicitor General, acting in strict accordance with the duty which their situation imposed upon them, had succeeded in shutting out all redress through the means of a court of law. He believed there was no one who pretended to assert that, because the Roman Catholics could not conscientiously subscribe to the belief of the Established Church, they were therefore to be called upon to pay a double proportion of the tax levied upon land. It was clear that the legislature, in the year 1794, did intend to grant the Roman Catholics a relief from the situation in which they were placed; and he therefore contended, that the intention of parliament ought to be strictly carried into effect. But, even supposing that there was a mistake upon that pointthat they were wrong in the construction of the act-and that the intention of the legislature of that day was not to relieve them from the difficulty in which they were placed, then he would say, that if it appeared that any Roman Catholic, or Dissenter from the Established Church, was subject to a tax so odious, so monstrously oppressive and unjust, as that of paying a double tax on land on account of his religious opinions, parliament ought not to lose one moment in granting the redress which the petitioners now prayed. It was impossible for any one to look at the nature of the tax, and not to say, that

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