made 3 Ed. I, being an act made within time of memory, and takes away all manner of pretended fees before, and we are sure, none can be raised by colour of prescription since; and therefore we find, by the books of 8 Ed. IV, fol. 18, That a marshal or a gaoler cannot detain any prisoner after his discharge from the court, but only for the fees of the court, (the court being not barr'd by this statute of Westm. 1. aforementioned) and, if he do, he may be indicted for extortion.' And agreeable to this is the book of 21 E. VII, fol. 16, where, amongst other things, it is held for law, That, if a gaoler, or guardian of a prison, takes his prisoner's proper garment, cloke, or money from him, it is a trespass, and the gaoler shall be answerable for it.' So that we may undeniably conclude, That there is no fee at all to any gaoler, or guardian of a prison, from the prisoner, but what is due unto him by special act of parliament. And, if a gaoler, or guardian of a prison, shall take any thing as a fee of his prisoner, he may and ought to be indicted of extortion, and, upon conviction, to be removed from his office; and, if his prisoner, by constraint, menace, or duress, be forced to give him money, he may recover that money against the gaoler again, in an action of the case at common law.

Item, The king, considering the great perjury, extortion, and oppression, which be, and have been in this realm, by his sheriffs, under-sheriffs, and their clerks, bailiffs, and keepers of prisons, &c. hath ordained by authority aforesaid, in eschewing all such extortion, perjury, and oppression, That no sheriff* shall let to farm, in any manner, his county, nor any of his bailiwicks. Nor that any of the said officers and ministers, by occasion, or under colour of their office, shall take any other thing by them, nor by any other person to their use, profit, or avail, of any other person by them, or any of them, to be arrested or attached, for the omitting of any arrest or attachment to be made by their body, or of any person by them, or any of them (by force or colour of their office arrested or attached) for fine, fee, suit of prison, main-prize, letting to bail, or shewing any ease or favour (to any such person arrested or to be attached) for their reward or profit, but such as follow; that is to say, for the sheriff 20d. The officer which maketh the arrest or attachment 4d. And the gaoler of the prison, if he be committed to ward, 4d.And that all sheriffs, bailiffs, gaolers, or any other officers or ministers, which do contrary to this odinance, in any point of the same, shall lose to the party, in this behalf, indamaged or grieved, his treble damages, and shall forfeit the sum of 401. for every such offence; the one moiety to the king, the other to the prosecutor, to be recovered at common law, in either of the courts of king's-bench, or common-pleas, at Westminster,

This is a perfect account of the gaoler's fees in all cases, where persons are laid in prison upon civil matters and causes, which fee of 4d. is more than any other statute or law allows them to take

* Stat. 23, H. vi. cap. 10. Stat. 4. H. iv. 5. Rast. Prædict. fol. 318. Cook Prædict. 365. 21. H. rii. 7. fol. 16. t Rast. Prædict. fol. 371. Stat. 21. Ed. ill.

from their prisoners: but, in such cases where the king is party, it is established, That the prisoners in all the king's prisons should be maintained at the king's charge, and out of the king's revenues, according to the old law of the land:' much less to have money extorted from him by the gaoler. But look into the prisons in and about the city of London, what horrible oppressions, extortions, and cruelties, are exercised upon the free-born people of England, yea in most prisons throughout this kingdom?

So that by the law of the land it appears, that those who sell, or take any manner of reward for any publick office or place, or those who do receive any greater fee than therein is expressed, have no more property, right or interest to do it, than the pirate has to the peaceable merchant's ship, a robber to the innocent traveller's purse, or the wolf to the blood of the harmless lamb.

Thus we have traced our distempers to their very spring and original. We have shewn you the danger of our present condition, the true cause from whence it arose, and prescribed an effectual remedy against it for the future. It is the magistrate's duty now to accomplish and perfect the cure. I confess a great deal of resolution is requisite to make a thorough reformation, and stop all those bleeding wounds through which the government is insensibly breathing out its very life. Yet we are willing to assume more than an ordinary confidence of the good success of this undertaking, considering that our great senate, to their immortal glory, in their last address to his majesty, have so eminently signalised their vigorous zeal, and unshaken resolution, of reducing not only our own, but the grand enemy of Europe, to reason. I am persuaded that no one thing can contribute more to the accomplishment of so glorious a design, than a timely and general redress of the grievances here exposed and complained of. How chearfully would the people of England receive the news of the parliament's going about a work of this nature, in relieving them from an oppression, under the weight of which every individual, at one time or other, has more or less suffered? This would not only enlarge their hearts, but make their purses, too, more free and open, in furnishing the necessary supplies which his majesty's affairs at this time so earnestly require.

It must, indeed, be acknowledged, that (through the negligence or remissness of the magistrates) an evil custom may sometimes obtain and fix itself so firm in the interest or opinion of the people that there shall be less danger in conniving at it, than in endeavouring to suppress it. But then it must not be such as directly and designedly aims at the very being of government itself, as this does, which we now so justly regret. In short, the redress of this fatal calamity can offend none but such contemptible creatures, whom it is more honourable and safe to distaste than oblige; and sure it can reflect no blemish upon a government to say, they have taken away from villains the very means and temptation of being unjust and dishonest.

But, as the easing of oppression, and unloading the shoulders of

the poor, is the main argument of this treatise, so, to push on the great cause before us yet a little further, the author hereof declares he is ready to demonstrate those reasonable methods for employing all the necessitous poor, and likewise for encouraging many thousands of idle persons to set themselves to work, though they are not reduced to the necessity of the former; which will be of such publick service and general advantage, that even the profits of their labours and industry shall more than advance the whole taxes now raised; with several other useful proposals, abundantly conducing to the benefit of trade, improvement of navigation, increase of seamen, &c. which, too long to be here set down, would require a treatise of itself.

Now, to conclude, I cannot but a little take notice of the great neglect of the pulpit, when those spiritual pilots at the helm of religion, who preach, or at least ought to preach universal charity, and denounce the comminations and judgments against all oppressions and injustice, have not publickly bore their testimony against this crying sin, in the particular national grievances before mentioned. Nor does the duty of this publick remonstrance lie less upon the great statesmen of the nation, the steerers at the temporal helm, but rather more, by so much as the immediate care and welfare of the national interest is their nearer and more particular charge and province.

But, if all we have here urged in so just a cause, shall be utterly neglected, we have one farther unhappy circumstance to add to these deplorable calamities now threatening us, which is, that oppression and extortion will receive an encouragement even from these very papers, when the cry of justice, unheard and unredressed, will but harden their iniquity; whilst their impunity, like an ignoramus to a capital indictment, will be looked upon as their justification.

And then what assurance can we possibly have of enjoying our rights, liberties, and estates safe from the invasion of ravenous and mercenary extortioners, who make no scruple of turning butchers to the people's privileges, and conspirators against their rights and properties? Or, what prospect can we flatter ourselves with, of bringing our national endeavours to a successful conclusion, while judgment is turned back, justice stands afar off, our ancient and fundamental laws of mercy, as well as the express commands of God are turned into a shadow; and those who would reclaim these evils (in order to avert the just judgment and indignation of God, ready to break out against us) only draw on themselves the frowns and displeasure of inraged violence, as á recompence of their pains and labour?

YOL. X.

A VIEW OF THE COURT OF ST. GERMAIN,

FROM THE YEAR 1690 TO 95.

With an Account of the Entertainment Protestants meet with there. Directed to the Malecontent Protestants of England.

London: printed for R. Baldwin, near Oxford-Arms-Inu, in Warwick-Lane, 1696. Quarto, containing thirty Pages.

THE PREFACE.

THE ages to come will hardly believe, that, in England, there should be found one single Protestant Jacobite, at this time of day and the reformed nations abroad are at a loss what to make of that unaccountable species of men.

When most of the Roman Catholick princes have heartily embraced the late revolution in Britain, as the last effort for the common liberty of Europe, and have entered into the strictest alliance, with those of an opposite religion, to support it: it looks like a dream, to meet with any English Protestant in an interest contradictory to, not only the publick liberty of their country, but to the religion they profess.

It was indeed no great wonder, that the late king made all the steps possible towards the change of the religion, in his opinion, heretical; at a time, when he was upon the throne, and backed with all the promising supports of regal power, yet even then he thought himself obliged to keep some measures with his Protestant subjects, and, instead of a total rupture with them, endeavoured to lull them a sleep, under the specious pretence of liberty of conscience, till all his engines were ready to give the fatal blow.

But now, that he has fallen under circumstances, which one would think should much more than ever oblige him to assume a new, at least keep on the old mask: upon the quite contrary, since he went to France, he has taken all pains imaginable to let the world know his inveterate aversion to all those of the reformed religion, though never so much his friends; and, at the same time, has given us the most authentick demonstration of his firm design, never to allow any there of his favour, nor owe his restoration to any but Roman Catholicks. All which will appear by the following account of his carriage towards those few Protestants, that have followed his sinking fortunes, the length of St. Germains.

THERE being already so many volumes to shew the lawfulness of the late revolution, it is superfluous, it seems, to make any further attempt on the same subject; for, if you shut your eyes against

the strong arguments and convincing proofs made use of in those books, who can flatter himself to cure you of that wilful blindness? However, I hope, this plain account, I make bold to direct to you, will not prove altogether useless; for, when I consider your party, I think I may reasonably believe that it is made up of some good and honest men, though misguided by a tender conscience, and of some self-interested persons, who, being not able to obtain the preferments they expected, have turned Jacobites, in hopes to advance their fortune by a second revolution. But, give me leave to tell you further, that, after an impartial enquiry into the life and conversation of your party, I have all the reason in the world to conclude, that the number of the conscientious Jacobites, I have spoken of, must be very little, and that the greatest number amongst you are hurried away by the imaginary hopes I have hinted at; therefore, if I can convince you, that you have no reason to flatter yourselves, to obtain any reward or preferments under king James, no, not when he should be restored by your means, I hope some of you will open your eyes to your own interest, and forsake a prince, from whom you cannot expect any grateful re

turn.

I will not recall to your minds his behaviour, while he was on the throne of England; I suppose no body has forgot, that no Protestants were welcome to him, but such as would promise to betray the liberties of their country to popery, and arbitrary power; neither shall I mention how severely he used the Protestants of Ireland in 1689; you would be apt to say, that, being in Popish hands, he could not avoid it; but I intend only to give you a short view of his court at St. Germain, and an account of the entertainment the Protestants of your party have met there for, if a prince in his circumstances, whose interest it ought to be to court Protestants, cannot conceal, for a time, the hatred he has for them, what treatment can you expect from him, when he is re-inthroned, and supported by the power of France?

King James, retiring into France after his defeat at the Boyne, left the administration of his affairs in Ireland to my lord Tyrconnel; and in Scotland, to the colonels Buchan and Cannon; and, the French king having appointed St. Germain in Laye, for his reception, he there began to form a court in the year 1690, and his houshold was constituted as follows:

The duke of Powis, lord chamberlain.

Col. Porter, vice chamberlain.

Col. Skelton, comptroller.

The earls of Dumbarton and Abercome, lords of the bed-chamber.

Captains Macdonald, Beadle, Stafford, and Trevanian, grooms of the bed-chamber.

The two Sheldons, Esquires.

Fergus Graham, privy purse.