FOR SENATOR: THEODORE ROOSEVELT? Mr. Roosevelt's future is of such interest to all Americans that COLLIER'S has asked a number W HAT will President Roosevelt do after 1909?" would be a conversational bromide if it were not so interesting. Of one thousand possible conversational openings current in the United States at this time, ninety-nine and nine hundred are one form or another of this question. Senator Knute Nelson of Minnesota speaks below of how often he was asked this question when he was on a stumping tour. He, by the way, seems to think that. any discussion of Roosevelt in the Senate must, for a single reason, be purely academic in importance. Without prejudice to those who have other and useful plans for him, and disclaiming any intention to interfere with his constitutional right to entertain personal plans of his own concerning the disposition of his future, COLLIER'S puts forward, merely as one possibility, the suggestion that he be sent to the Senate from New York. The term of Thomas C. Platt will expire on the same day as the President's. Roosevelt as Platt's successor would have many pleasant aspects, politically and morally. Having this in mind, COLLIER's determined to ask all the present Senators of the United States how they would like to have Roosevelt join their club. A good many didn't care to express an opinion, for a variety of perfectly good reasons. Those answers which seemed most important and interesting are printed below. The appreciation that Mr. Roosevelt would be a useful Senator, it will be observed, is not confined to Senators of his own political faith. This same question was asked of all the Governors of the United States. A collection of their answers will be printed in a future issue of COLLIER'S. A. J. HOPKINS, Senator from Illinois NOTHING would please me more than to see Mr. Roosevelt after his term expires as President a member of the Senate of the United States. New York can not honor herself more than by sending him there. I think he has great aptitude for legislative work, and his experience as President has given him a knowledge of public affairs that ought not to be lost to the country. He would be a great figure in the Senate. John Quincy Adams rendered a greater service to his country as a member of the House of Representatives, after the expiration of his Presidential term, than in any other of the many positions he held during his long and useful life. President Roosevelt is comparatively a young man with many years of health and activity before him. The country can ill afford to lose from public office a man so superbly equipped and so well adapted for public service as he is. The Senate would furnish him a rare field for the display of his ability, and the country would be the beneficiary of such service. FRANCIS E. WARREN, Senator from Wyoming IF the State of New York should secure Mr. Roosevelt as one of its Senators, that State would have a most active and efficient representative in Congress, whose experience, prestige, and ability would unquestionably be of advantage to New York as well as the entire country. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, Senator from Nevada IF Mr. the Republican Party continues in power, it is essential that it should be democratized. Roosevelt is a valuable factor in this work, and I believe his service in the Senate would be important in rescuing it from its inertia and ultra-conservatism, so protective of existing abuses. GEORGE C. PERKINS, Senator from California I DO not see where else we could secure so useful the Navy under President McKinley, and as President gress that few men in any generation enjoy. The great knowledge of public affairs which he possesses, combined with ripened judgment, would make him one of the most influential leaders of the Senate. MOSES E. CLAPP, Senator from Minnesota WHILE it is not for me to undertake to tell the people of New York whom they ought to send to the Senate, I have no hesitation in saying that in my humble opinion, when Mr. Roosevelt concludes his services as Chief Executive, if he could be induced to become a member of the Senate, it would be greatly to the public interest. P. J. McCUMBER, Senator from North Dakota THE people of the United States have a most ear nest and zealous friend in President Roosevelt, and his efforts, whether as Chief Executive or as legislator, can be counted on at all times for equal justice and good government. ISIDOR RAYNER, Senator from Maryland IN my judgment, when the President's term expires, he would make a most valuable member of the Senate. I know of no one who could be of greater service to the country. Of course, I am not speaking about the political situation in reference to his case, but solely of his great ability and wonderful resources. KNUTE NELSON, Senator from Minnesota I THINK it would no doubt be advisable for the people to have President Roosevelt in the Senate after the expiration of his term, provided he can not be President for another term. I desire to state, however, that among the masses of the people, not only the Republicans, but to a large extent the Democrats, there is a feeling that President Roosevelt ought to have another term in the Presidential chair in order to carry out the reforms which he has initiated and so ably pressed. There is a belief that when he retires as President we are apt to lapse into a state of apathy in the matter of protecting the people against the inroads of trusts, combinations, and other persons and institutions which are wholly governed by the gospel of greed, and have no heart or sympathy for the welfare of the masses. Last fall, in a five weeks' stumping campaign in my State, at about every place I spoke I was asked this question: "What do you think Roosevelt will do? Do you think we can get him to run for another term? If we gave him the nomination unanimously, do you think he would decline?" In short, the people seem to have their minds fixed on no other Presidential candidate than Mr. Roosevelt. FINANCIAL CLOUDS THE HE financial world on both sides of the Atlantic is suffering from what Mrs. Eddy would call an error of mortal mind." It has the delusion that it is in pain. London, Berlin, and New York are suffering acute twinges. Paris is not so seriously affected directly, but she has to guard her hoards against too severe drains from the disturbed quarters. The Bank of France, whose discount rate had remained at 3 per cent for seven years, raised it to 3% on March 21. The recovery from the panic of March 14 in New York was short lived, and stocks went steadily downward below the panic level. Here and there significant indications have appeared that the depression in the stock market has begun to extend to general business. Many projected railroad improvements, some of them actually begun, have been abandoned, and considerable numbers of men have been thrown out of employment. Some factories have curtailed their output, and others have found that there is less difficulty than formerly in securing supplies of labor. In The three great security markets of London, Berlin, and New York are affected by the common influence of an overstrain on capital caused by the excessive activity of business and speculation. New York there is the additional element of the uncertain relations between the public and the corporations. Lord Rothschild, in speaking hopefully of the general outlook, remarked that "the London holders of American securities have been induced to sell through fear that President Roosevelt contemplates taking steps toward nationalizing the railways." That, of course, is an example of the grotesque shapes a simple thing may take when viewed through three thousand miles of ocean mists. It will be a long time before President Roosevelt takes any steps toward nationalizing the. railways. It is doubtful whether even President Bryan would take any. If he should, of course such provision would be made for compensation as would help rather than injure the investment value of railroad securities. The idea that the whole trouble in America is due to a senseless and causeless craze of the people against the corporations is losing ground among intelligent financiers. There is an increasing anxiety in such quarters to find some common basis upon which the people and the railroads can come together. Mr. Jacob H. Schiff suggests that the companies should appoint accredited representatives who should meet with the Interstate Commerce Commission and thrash out all the questions in dispute. It ought to be possible, Mr. Schiff thinks, "for such a body of men to agree upon a plan for legislation fair to all parties, which could receive the sanction of the President, of the people generally, and of stockholders in railroads. This could be made the basis of legislation by Congress, and it should be of such a thorough nature as to make it unnecessary for individual States to do more than follow the lines laid down here.' Of course, one thing more would be necessary. If it were possible for the railroads, the people, the President, Congress, and the State Legislatures to agree upon a scheme of legislation satisfactory to all concerned, the companies would have to get into the habit of loyally obeying instead of evading the laws so passed. The ingenuity of lawyers would have to change its direction. Only so could the waves of public resentment be completely oiled. FROM THE DARK AGES CON NONSTANTINE POBIEDONOSTZEFF, formerly Procurator of the Russian Holy Synod, 'died at St. Petersburg on March 23, at the age of eighty. With him passed the soul of the old régime in Russia. There are plenty of reactionaries left-predatory Grand Dukes, Jew-baiters, and officials desperately clinging to their privileges and perquisites-but there is nobody who, like Pobiedonostzeff, combines fanatical devotion to outgrown ideals with high character and complete personal disinterestedness. During the twenty-four years, from 1881 to 1905, in which he held the chief procuratorship of the Holy Synod he was an immovable dam against the progress of liberal ideas in the Government. No abuse of despotism was too intolerable for him to defend. He favored religious persecution and military repression. When the Czar decided to adopt a liberal policy his position became untenable. CONSTANTINE POBIEDONOSTZEFF In 1904 he won the distinction of becoming the first man to win the Presidency by election after having acceded to it as Vice-President on the death of his predecessor. At the same time he secured the largest popular vote and the largest popular majority in our history. Then he achieved the seemingly impossible feat of wrenching the Republican party away from the control of "the interests' and setting it squarely in line with public sentiment. Next, unlike Tyler and Johnson, who alienated their friends without winning their enemies, he won his enemies without alienating his friends. Now he has almost completely dissipated that century-old anti-third-term tradition against which the popularity of Grant dashed itself in vain. Indeed, Mr. Roosevelt seems to be now almost the only earnest anti-third-termer left. While he talks and works for Taft, polls of one Republican State Legislature after another show an almost unanimous demand for Roosevelt. Grant could not get the nomination for a third term when he asked for it; Roosevelt is having the hardest task of his life to keep from having one forced upon him when he says he will not take it. Meanwhile there are occasional indications of the existence of an opposition party. Ex-President Cleveland, who celebrated his seventieth birthday on March 18 by shooting ducks in the South, emerged into the light of publicity on his return through an interview in the New York "Times." Mr. Cleveland thought that there was "much in the nature of delirium in the popular outcry against railroad corporations." He admitted that there had been real iniquities in the management of the railroads, but he believed that the frenzy against them was a craze of which we should all be ashamed he said, and then he the characteristically Clevelandesque epigram: "The people will demand of the party to which they give their suffrages the enunciation of a principle rather than the denunciation of a condition." If this were not a little too severe a strain on the average powers of articulation it would take its place in the popular affections along with "innocuous desuetude" and "it is not a theory but a condition that confronts us." by and by. "It will pass, launched Mr. Cleveland exhorts the Democracy to "lose no time in bringing to the front the issue of tariff reform, and in focusing the attention of the country upon it." The reform of the tariff he held to be "absolutely fundamental." Taking direct issue. with President Roosevelt's vehement assertions that the tariff had nothing to do with the trusts, he insisted that the question of the trusts was "entirely dependent upon it." The protection fraud, in his view, underlay most of our economic and political ills. And he warned the Democrats that if they did not promptly seize this winning issue their opponents would be likely to steal it from them before four more years had passed. In 1904 "the interests' were at first in doubt whether to support Roosevelt or Parker. At last they reluctantly decided to support Roosevelt, and they have bitterly regretted their decision ever since. There is no doubt that they would rally to the support of Cleveland with whole-souled enthusiasm, and they would probably be willing even to swallow tariff reform for the sake of such an assurance of stability in the White House as his election would give. At the same time he could DRAWERS. IMPROVED ELASTICSEAM Made to fit every man Do You Have "Underwear Troubles"? You cannot be comfortable if your un derwear does not fit you. But ordinary underwear is made in a limited number of sizes. How many men, do you think, are exactly proportioned according to these measurements? Not one in ten. That's why so many people are fidgeting and fretting along from one year to another, never actually knowing what it means to enjoy real bodily comfort. 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References: Any Bank anywhere or Dun and Bradstreet command a considerable independent backing, especially in the doubtful It would be a singular situation if the Republicans States of the East. should go into the campaign of 1908 as the radical and the Democrats as the conservative party, with each side led by a third-term candidate. Whatever else happened there would be at least the certainty that the unwritten two-term limit, once as sacred as the Constitution itself, would be effectually shattered. The President Roosevelt is still working heroically, however, to avert this threatening contingency. He is using all his unrivaled powers as a politician to convert the Taft boom from a pious aspiration into a solid reality. first essential in this work is the support of the Ohio delegation in the National Convention. When Secretary Taft helped to overthrow Boss Cox of Cincinnati the enraged politicians of his State said that there would never be a crumb for him in Ohio. Senator Foraker was counted upon to hold the organization against him. The Senator is making heroic efforts to live up to this expectation, and has formally appealed from the Administration to the voters in the primaries. The challenge has been accepted and his own seat in the Senate may be in danger. His term expires in 1909, along with the President's, and it is suggested that Representative Burton of Cleveland, who is persona grata at the White House and a friend of Secretary Taft's, would make an admirable Senator. On the Democratic side the conservatives will not be allowed to win control without a desperate struggle. Mr. Bryan believes that this is his turn. The conservatives had their turn in 1904, and at the end of that campaign it was universally admitted that the radicals would have their innings next time. There would be no thought of disputing it now if President Roosevelt had not had the splendid audacity to capture the Bryan issues. It was proved in 1904 that there was no room for two conservative parties; it remains to be shown next year whether or not there is room for two radical parties. The chief difficulty in the way of the Democracy is that there is no leader in whom the masses of the party have complete confidence. They believe in Mr. Bryan's honesty, but they are not sure what would happen if they should intrust him with the steering wheel of the automobile of state. SAN BERY SAN FRANCISCO'S LID OFF Boss Ruef, his employers and employees on public view HE conspiracy to loot San Francisco has been laid bare with dramatic On March 20 the Grand Jury brought in sixty-six additional indictments against Abraham Ruef, who was held in $10,000 bail on each charge. This makes in all a $750,000 cable to keep the boss from dragging his anchor. Eighteen of the indictments against Ruef were for bribing the Supervisors in the interest of the "Prize-Fight Trust, eighteen for bribery in behalf of an eighty-five-cent gas-rate, seventeen for bribery to secure an overhead trolley franchise for the United Railroads after the fire, and thirteen for bribery in connection with a. telephone franchise. At the same time fourteen indictments were found against T. V. Halsey, former general manager of the Pacific States Telephone and Telegraph Company, for bribing Supervisors to vote against a franchise to a competing company. Halsey was immediately arrested in Manila. On the 23d twentytwo more indictments were filed, thirteen of them against A. K. Detwiler, a Toledo capitalist, and nine against Louis Glass, the former vice-president of the Pacific States Telephone and Telegraph Company. These, too, were all based on charges of bribery in franchise matters. There were some righteous men in Sodom, but there seems to have been not one single honest member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors when these transactions occurred. The eighteen indictments in the prize-fight cases and the eighteen in the matter of the gas rates represent the alleged bribery of every one of the eighteen Supervisors who were in the Board when those subjects were disposed of. And every one of the eighteen is said to have confessed his guilt. It appears that the United Railroads paid Ruef $485,000 for their overhead trolley franchises, of which he generously passed along $91,000 to the eighteen Supervisors, keeping $394,000 for himself and Schmitz. The Fight Trust is said to have paid Ruef $20,000, of which $9,000 went to the Supervisors. It cost the gas company $750 per vote to get the privilege of charging San Franciscans eighty-five instead of seventy-five cents per thousand feet for gas. The Pacific States Telephone Company seems to have been indiscreet enough to negotiate with the Supervisors directly, instead of through Ruef. It paid thirteen of them $5,000 apiece and one $10,000 to vote against a franchise for the Home Telephone Company, together with a supplementary prize of $2,500 each if the Home Company should fail to get the franchise. The competing corporation had taken the precaution to retain Ruef. off eight of the old monopoly's Supervisors at $3,500 apiece, adding to them four at $6,000 each, which made a two-thirds majority of the Board. saddest thing about this transaction, from the point of view of the Pacific States Telephone Company, was that the recreant eight did not return the $40,000 they had failed to earn. member, was a labor-union board. He called The Labor and capital appear to about equal disadvantage in this melancholy exhibition. The government that has disgraced San Francisco is a laborunion government. 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