divisions in the Jackson ranks in the South and good Jackson men predicted that Van Buren could not get the vote of their states." There was, moreover, a great deal of uncertainty as to, and much criticism of, the latter's views on the tariff and internal improvements. 99 40 The strict construction wing from the South tried to defeat the selection of the "little magician" in the Democratic national convention in May, offering Philip P. Barbour of Virginia as their candidate." After Van Buren had been nominated, Henry A. Wise rose and declared before the convention: "I will not vote for your nominee for Vice-President, my vote will be cast for Philip P. Barbour of Virginia for that office." Barbour's supporters generally refused to acquiesce in his formal rejection and organized a Jackson-Barbour movement which was warmly supported throughout the campaign. When at a late moment in the canvass Van Buren came forward with a public declaration in which he endorsed the views of Jackson on the tariff, internal improvements, and the bank, Barbour announced his withdrawal to preserve party unity." Many of his supporters, however, carried their convictions. with them to the polls and registered their votes against the regular nominee." The Calhoun forces came out boldly against Jackson himself. In August Duff Green, the editor of the 38 John Martin to Mangum, March 16, 1832, Mangum MSS. Niles' Register, XLII, 235. Cf. Claiborne, Life of Quitman, I, 108. 40 Hambleton, Virginia Politics, xv. Cf. Wise, Life of Wise, 35. Niles' Register, XLIII, 153. On this movement see id., XLII, 283, 339, 405, 406; XLIII, 86, 116, 124-127, 153. 42 Cf. ibid., 215. Duff Green, however, condemned Barbour for his course. "He is unworthy of our support", he wrote to Crallé, Aug. 3, 1832, "Let him go, he will defile you-He is sold to the Kitchen Cabinet." Duff Green MSS. United States Telegraph, was convinced that it was now possible to prevent the president's reelection; hence he announced his intention to work for that end. Jackson was charged with having violated every principle upon which his election had originally been advocated." The attempt was made to weaken Jackson as much as possible by opposition from two different directions, for Clay was already actively in the field as the candidate of the National Republicans. It is interesting to note the tendency of these extremes, the Clay and the Calhoun forces, which it pleased Jackson to designate "these antipodes in politics "," to regard themselves as working in a common cause. The local leaders of the two factions at various times discussed the possibility of cooperation," while each of the two political giants adopted a cautious policy of trying to conciliate the adherents of the other and to attract them to their respective standards. A basis for friendly relations existed in a common desire to break down the power of Jackson. At the opening of Congress in December, 1831, it was rumored that Clay and Calhoun had come to an agreement about the tariff, and Jackson was prepared to see them unite with the aim of destroying him.** Although this did not happen, with the opening the presidential campaign the friends of Clay expressed a willingness to see Calhoun enter the contest, while Calhoun's friends expressed a preference of 43 U. S. Telegraph, Aug. 23, 1832. 44 Jackson to Van Buren, Dec. 6, 17, 1831, Van Buren MSS. John Floyd to Calhoun, April 16, 1831; Floyd to Colonel John Williams, Dec. 27, 1830, Floyd MSS.; A. T. Burnley to Crittenden, June 13, 1830, Crittenden MSS. Jackson to Van Buren, Dec. 6, 17, 1831, Van Buren MSS. for the election of Clay rather than of Jackson." Some of the leading Calhoun workers even advised the cooperation of the opposition in all sections." The result of the election, however, showed that Jackson himself had not lost his hold on the southern voters. He could have suffered a much greater loss without his success having been in any way endangered. But the country had been facing a situation much more critical than a presidential contest. The South had met the new tariff measure with open defiance. Anti-tariff and free trade sentiments were expressed in the language of nullification and state sovereignty. South Carolina was turning toward the final remedy which she said existed in the reserved rights of the states. When her legislature proceeded to declare its official sanction of the nullification doctrine and to prepare to enforce it in opposition to the authority of the general government, the executive of the nation was " 47" I find a strong predisposition to Calhoun among Clay's and Wirt's friends. If we can dispose of the tariff all will go well." Green to Crallé, undated, 1832. Cf. letter of April 6, 1832, Duff Green MSS. Governor Floyd of Virginia came gradually to prefer Clay's success not from love of him, but the increasing disgust of Jackson". See his letter of Jan. 2, 1832, Floyd MSS. Duff Green, too, declared that, while not himself in favor of Clay, as it is Van Buren's policy to come in on the American system, I would prefer to trust Mr. Clay than Van Buren with power." To Crallé, Aug. 23, 1832, Duff Green MSS. 48 U. S. Telegraph, Aug. 27, 1832. "What say you to the organization of a committee of correspondence of the disaffected Jackson men throughout the United States-say that they are organized as Whig Clubs and opposed to the abuse of executive influence?" Green to Crallé, Aug. 3, 1832, Duff Green MSS. Green wrote to his former adversary, J. H. Pleasants of the Richmond Whig, on Aug. 27, 1832: "We are no longer political opponents. We have a common object; and this is to defeat the election of Jackson; to break down the corrupt influence which now administers the Govt. in his name. . . . There is no reason why the friends of Mr. Calhoun, indeed why any southern man maintaining southern principles should prefer Gen. Jackson to Mr. Clay." Ibid. forced to show his hand. Jackson was prepared to meet the crisis." This he did in his celebrated proclamation which promptly, as was intended, removed all doubt as to his views. It was at once pointed out that the principles embodied closely followed the doctrines advanced by Webster in his reply to Hayne." The nullifiers found themselves met with resolute and unexpected determination. The situation was so far from agreeable to them that the reception of the proclamation is worthy of note. It was denounced as a specimen of western bullying, as "the federal manifesto", the "tyrannical edict" of "King Andrew"." The Charleston Mercury, on the fifth of January, labelled it "a piece of the mosaic of consistent inconsistency, which has all along marked his professions and practice on the subject of State rights, the tariff, and nullification". As violent language as would be consistent with decency came from the nullifiers of Georgia. The Augusta Courier stamped upon Jackson the character of "hypocrite, usurper, and tyrant-the meanest and most palpable of hypocrites-the most daring, reckless and dangerous of usurpers-and the most self-willed, heartless and bloody of tyrants Such words could only mean a complete breach with Jackson and Jacksonism. 1 52 The nullifiers formed themselves en masse into an anti-Jackson party. They took for themselves the appellation of "whigs "" a term which had been in their , Of this the state rights leaders were not unaware; see Green to Crallé, Nov. 16, 1832, Duff Green MSS. 51 Niles' Register, XLIII, 286. Comments from the Charleston Mercury and Columbia Telescope quoted 32 53 in ibid., 267; cf. ibid., 288, 331. Augusta Courier, quoted in Niles' Register, XLIII, 345. minds while considering the recent usurpations and which, as has been seen, had been favorably commended to them by their leaders in directing the formation of state rights organizations. At the same time they tried to fix upon their opponents, the Jackson Union men, the stigma of "tories "-thus to bring them into disrepute. A correspondent of the Charleston Mercury proposed that " all the printers throughout the State, shall designate the friends of the State by the proud name of WHIGS, and the friends of Andrew JACKSON and of consolidation by the name of TORIES. . . . Every man now in South Carolina is a whig or a tory". This revival of the term "whig ", as applied to a political party, or, more properly at this point, a political faction, is not without significance. It inevitably suggests a southern origin for the use of the name by the united opposition a few years later. Being brought so prominently before the public eye, it must have had its influence upon this more general application when other events had occurred to intensify the bitterness of the anti-Jackson elements in all sections of the country. It seems clear that the use of the name "whig" in reference to the opposition in the northern states a year later was but an extension of what had been begun in these exciting times in South Carolina, that it was not in its origin a deliberate change e of name by the followers of Clay. The arguments applied in 1833 were the same as those of Clay and Calhoun in the Senate in 1834, when they pointed out the analogy to the situation in England where the Tories were traditionally the supporters of the executive power and royal prerogative and the Whigs the champions of liberty. 34 Charleston Mercury, Dec. 17, 1832. |