CHAPTER VI.

THE UNION MOVEMENT, 1850-1851.

In order to understand the precise nature of the contests that took place in the southern states within the twelvemonth following the completion of the work of Congress, it is necessary to go back and to note especially the attitude of the lay members of the Whig party there toward the problem of securing an adjustment of the slavery question. Popular feeling within the party at the beginning of 1850 in few cases kept pace with the ultraism which developed in their delegation after the assembling of Congress. The sentiment of southern Whigs was all but unanimous in favor of a continuance of the Union and the course of dissatisfied politicians found little support.' Many, while protesting against the application of the Wilmot proviso, were unwilling to see the bonds of the Union severed in case it passed Congress. "Patriotism", said the Mobile Advertiser, "should prompt the North to abstain from urging the proviso, and, if the proviso be adopted, patriotism should prompt the South to cling still to the Union." Every sign of a disposition in the

The Washington (N. C.) North State Whig, Feb. 6, 1850, condemned the policy of "Mr. Clingman and his coadjutors in disunion". The North Carolina Argus complained: "We are heartily sick of this everlasting twaddle about the South-the South-that word of talismanic charm with southern demagogues. In the name of dignity

and self-respect, let us forbear against further gasconading." National Intelligencer, March 11, 1850.

2 Jan. 9; cf. Nashville Republican Banner, Feb. 19, 1850; New Orleans Bee, May 31, 1849.

North toward fairness only added to these sentiments of loyalty and moderation, and it was this fundamental characteristic which preserved the party tie at home and temporarily increased the strength of the Whigs by bringing support from the more moderate Democrats.

The recommendation of Taylor's messages in regard to the admission of California was welcomed by his supporters in the South. It was soon made the basis of their attacks on the consistency of the Democrats in giving up the great principle of popular sovereignty, upon which they had risked the result of the presidential election less than two years before and which had until recently been considered the quintessence of Democratic orthodoxy in the South. The course of the Democrats was denounced as a change of front designed to embarrass the course and action of the Whig administration; a party organ in Mississippi promptly pointed out that it was but another expression of the Democratic habit in that state to "REPUDIATE ".* The Whigs explained that the anti-slavery clause in the California constitution, far from being the same. thing as the Wilmot proviso, was but the application of a sound state rights principle which precluded unconstitutional action by Congress. Public meetings were held at various points in the southern states of the "friends of the integrity of the Union who are not opposed to the admission of California with her present constitution". These were generally organized by Whigs and the resolutions adopted usually closed with an expression of undiminished confidence. in President Taylor. Accordingly, if the South had

Houston Republican in Washington Republic, Feb. 20. Cf. Jackson Southron, Feb. 15; Natchez Courier, May 8; Macon (Ga.) Journal, Feb. 13, Vicksburg Whig, in Washington Republic, Feb. 27, 1850.

united in denying the power of legislation by Congress to fix the status of slavery in the territories, it was only to divide again, and generally along party lines, over the practical question as to whether the admission of California should be made a ground for southern resist

ance.

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Even after Clay had submitted his compromise resolutions in the Senate, the Whig press of the South continued to support the president's plan. The administration platform, however, was not thoroughly understood away from the capital. Some thought that his plan was to admit California under her constitution and further, what he was trying to avoid, to let Congress form territorial governments silent in regard to slavery, for the other portions of the acquired territory. For some time the people, in their anxiety for a settlement, seemed comparatively indifferent to the exact terms that should be made, and supposed that Taylor, having made it possible to evade the proviso when its passage was imminent, was now willing to consent to any arrangement that might be agreed upon. To many Whig politicians in the South, moreover, it seemed essential that the plan adopted should have upon it the seal of the president's approval, in order that the Whig administration might not be discredited on that score."

But when Clay made his public attack upon the administration and revealed Taylor's hostility to the report of the committee of thirteen, a division took place in the ranks of the party between the supporters

Winchester Republican, in Washington Republic, March 25, 1850. Savannah Republican, May 14. Cf. North State Whig, April 10,

1850.

Coleman, Life of J. J. Crittenden, I, 369; cf. Crittenden to Clayton, April 6, 1850, Clayton MSS.

of the two plans. The majority of the party organs came to prefer the Senate scheme of compromise, though by no means did they always take issue with the president. In Georgia, it was soon endorsed with unanimity by the Whig press; this, however, was hardly true of the southern states in general. Out of nearly a score of the party prints in Alabama only the Montgomery Alabama Journal and the Macon Republican openly stated their preferences for the president's plan over that of Clay, but they were both leading journals.' In Mississippi, influential organs like the Jackson Southron, the Natchez Courier, and the Vicksburg Whig defended Taylor from Clay's criticisms; but the strongest supporter of the administration in the South was the Richmond Whig, which regarded the plan of nonaction as most beneficial to the slave-holding states and thought that there could be no ingratitude in the act of dropping Clay."

The more aggressive supporters of Clay's proposition complained that Taylor stood in the way of securing a complete settlement. He was charged with being 'guilty of the grossest infatuation" in adhering to his original recommendation and in allowing it to be urged as antagonistic to the plan of the Senate committee." The administration was even warned that if it continued to press the issue with the advocates of the latter plan, it would find itself utterly without supporters in the South." But, came the reply, there is grave danger Savannah Republican, June 13; Richmond Republican, in Mobile Advertiser, June 12, 1850.

D

Cf. list in Mobile Advertiser, June 25, 1850.

10 Richmond Whig, June 25, 1850.

11 Piedmont Whig, Raleigh Register, Richmond Times, in Washington Union, June 4, 1850.

12 Mobile Advertiser, June 5. Cf. Wm. H. Morton to Cobb, July 10, 1850, Toombs, Stephens, and Cobb Correspondence.

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that the compromise will fail anyway on account of the opposition of the ultras; this will prove the sagacity and practical shrewdness of President Taylor in advising "non-action" as more desirable because more practical than "non-intervention "." News from Washington, indeed, pronounced the certain doom of the omnibus bill, with Taylor calmly biding his time. A large number of southern Whigs, who feared that the only other alternative was to take up arms and resist, were prepared in the event of its defeat to see the successful execution of the president's plan for the immediate admission of California."

At this point Taylor's death occurred, followed within three weeks by the failure of the attempt to secure a single comprehensive scheme of adjustment. The Whigs in the South had spurned the recommendation of a settlement along the line of 36° 30' as made by the Nashville convention and accepted by most southern Democrats as an ultimatum." They now urged the separate passage of the measures that had comprised the omnibus bill. They called upon all patriots to rally and especially the Whigs. "The hopes of Union and constitutional liberty are in the keeping of the Whig party," the Jackson Southron declared. It urged the Whigs to rally around Clay and to try again for a settlement." Accordingly, as the southern Whigs witnessed the course of events in Congress, they commended the Utah and New Mexico territorial measures

13 Natchez Courier, May 22, 1850.

14 New Orleans Picayune, Washington Correspondence, in Mobile Advertiser, June 22, July 2; Montgomery Alabama Journal, July 8, 1850. 15 Jackson Southron, June 14, 21; Natchez Courier, July 17; Savannah Republican, July 26; Louisville Journal, June 29; Montgomery Alabama Journal, July 19.

16 Aug. 5, 1850: The Whig party and the Union."