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by Ferrera's letter: and for the provision of amber confessions appear expressed in their own natural and musk, it was meant that the count looked shortly for a resolution from the King of Spain concerning a matter of importance, which was for burning of the Queen's ships; and another point tending to the satisfaction of their vindictive humour.

But while the sense of this former letter rested ambiguous, and that no direct particular was confessed by Ferrera, nor sufficient light given to ground any rigorous examination of him, cometh over Manuel Louis with the resolution from Spain; who first understanding of Ferrera's restraint, and therefore doubting how far things were discovered, to shadow the matter, like a cunning companion, gave advertisement of an intent he had to do service, and hereupon obtained a passport: but after his coming in, he made no haste to reveal any thing, but thought to dally and abuse in some other sort. And while the light was thus in the clouds, there was also intercepted a little ticket which Ferrera in prison had found means to write, in care to conceal Lopez, and to keep him out of danger, to give a caveat of staying all farther answers and advertisements in these causes. Whereupon, Lopez was first called in question.

But, in conclusion, this matter being with all assiduity and policy more and more pierced and mined into, first, there was won from Manuel Louis his letters from the Count de Fuentes and Secretary Juarra to Ferrera, in both which mention is made of the queen's death; in that of the count's, under the term of a commission; and in that of the secretary's, under the term of the great service, whereof should arise a universal benefit to the whole world. Also, the letters of credit written by Gonsalo Gomez, one to Pedro de Carrera, and the other to Juan Pallacio, to take up a sum of money by Manuel Louis, by the foresaid false name of Fr. de Thores; letters so large, and in a manner without limitation, as any sum by virtue thereof might be taken up: which letters were delivered to Louis by the Count de Fuentes's own hands, with directions to show them to Lopez for his assurance; a matter of God's secret working in staying the same, for thereupon rested only the execution of the fact of Lopez. Upon so narrow a point consisted the safety of her majesty's life, already sold by avarice to malice and ambition, but extraordinarily preserved by that watchman which never slumbereth. This same Manuel Louis, and Stephen Ferrera also, whereof the one managed the matter abroad, and the other resided here to give correspondence, never meeting after Manuel had returned, severally examined without torture or threatening, did in the end voluntarily and clearly confess the matters abovementioned, and in their confessions fully consent and concur, not only in substance, but in all points, particularities, and circumstances; which

language, testified and subscribed with their own hands; and in open assembly, at the arraignment of Lopez in the Guildhall, were by them confirmed and avouched to Lopez his. face; and therewithal are extant, undefaced, the original letters from Count de Fuentes, Secretary Juarra, and the rest.

And Lopez himself, at his first apprehension and examination, did indeed deny, and deny with deep and terrible oaths and execrations, the very conferences and treaties with Ferrera, or Andrada, about the empoisonment. And being demanded, if they were proved against him what he would say? he answered, That he would yield himself guilty of the fact intended. Nevertheless, being afterwards confronted by Ferrera, who constantly maintained to him all that he had said, reducing him to the times and places of the said conferences, he confessed the matter, as by his confession in writing, signed with his own hand, appeareth. But then he fell to that slender evasion, as his last refuge, that he meant only to cozen the King of Spain of the money: and in that he continued at his arraignment, when, notwithstanding, at the first he did retract his own confession: and yet being asked, whether he was drawn, either by means of torture, or promise of life, to make the same confession? he did openly testify that no such means were used towards him.

But the falsehood of this excuse, being an allegation that any traitor may use and provide for himself, is convicted by three notable proofs. The first, that he never opened this matter, neither unto her majesty, unto whom he had ordinary access, nor to any counsellor of state, to have permission to toll on, and inveigle these parties with whom he did treat, if it had been thought so convenient; wherein, percase, he had opportunity to have done some good service, for the farther discovery of their secret machinations against her majesty's life. The second, that he came too late to this shift; having first bewrayed his guilty conscience, in denying those treaties and conferences till they were evidently and manifestly proved to his face. The third, that in conferring with Ferrera about the manner of his assurance, he thought it better to have the money in the hands of such merchants as he should name in Antwerp, than to have it brought into England; declaring his purpose to be, after the fact done, speedily to fly to Antwerp, and there to tarry some time, and so to convey himself to Constantinople; where it is affirmed, that Don Salomon, a Jew in good credit, is Lopez his near kinsman, and that he is greatly favoured by the said Don Salomon: whereby it is evident that Lopez had cast his reckonings upon the supposition of the fact done.

Thus may appear, both how justly this Lopez*

* Lopez was executed 7th June, 1594.

is condemned for the highest treason that can be imagined; and, how, by God's marvellous goodness, her majesty hath been preserved. And, surely, if a man do truly consider, it is hard to say, whether God hath done greater things by her majesty or for her: if you observe on the one side, how God hath ordained her government to break and cross the unjust ambition of the two mighty potentates, the King of Spain and the Bishop of Rome, never so straitly between themselves combined: and, on the other side, how mightily God hath protected her, both against foreign invasion and inward troubles, and singularly against the many secret conspiracies that have been made against her life; thereby declaring to the world

that he will indeed preserve that instrument which he hath magnified. But the corruptions of these times are wonderful, when that wars, which are the highest trials of right between princes, that acknowledge no superior jurisdiction, and ought to be prosecuted with all honour, shall be stained and infamed with such foul and inhuman practices. Wherein if so great a king hath been named, the rule of the civil law, which is a rule of common reason, must be remembered; "Frustra legis auxilium implorat, qui in legem committit." He that hath sought to violate the majesty royal, in the highest degree, cannot claim the pre-eminence thereof to be exempted from just imputation.

T2

TRACTS RELATING TO ENGLAND.

OF THE

TRUE GREATNESS

OF THE

KINGDOM OF BRITAIN.

TO KING JAMES.

-Fortunatos nimium sua si bona norint.

THE greatness of kingdoms and dominions in bulk and territory doth fall under measure and demonstration that cannot err: but the just measure and estimate of the forces and power of an estate is a matter, than the which there is nothing among civil affairs more subject to error, nor that error more subject to perilous consequence. For hence may proceed many inconsiderate attempts, and insolent provocations in states that have too high an imagination of their own forces: and hence may proceed, on the other side, a toleration of many fair grievances and indignities, and a loss of many opportunities, in states that are not sensible enough of their own strength. Therefore, that it may the better appear what greatness your majesty hath obtained of God, and what greatness this island hath obtained by you, and what greatness it is, that by the gracious pleasure of Almighty God you shall leave and transmit to your children and generations as the first founder; I have thought good, as far as I can comprehend, to make a true survey and representation of the greatness of this your kingdom of Britain; being for mine own part persuaded, that the supposed prediction, "Video solem orientem in occidente," may be no less a true vision applied to Britain, than to any other kingdom of Europe; and being out of doubt that none of the great monarchies, which in the memory of times have risen in the habitable world, had so fair seeds and beginnings as hath this your estate and kingdom, whatsoever the event shall be, which must depend upon the dispensation of God's will and providence, and his blessing upon your descendants. And because I have no purpose vainly or assentatorily to represent this greatness, as in water, which shows things bigger

than they are, but rather, as by an instrument of art, helping the sense to take a true magnitude and dimension: therefore, I will use no hidden order, which is fitter for insinuations than sound proofs, but a clear and open order. First, by confuting the errors, or rather correcting the excesses of certain immoderate opinions, which ascribe too much to some points of greatness, which are not so essential, and by reducing those points to a true value and estimation: then by propounding and confirming those other points of greatness which are more solid and principal, though in popular discourse less observed: and incidently by making a brief application, in both these parts, of the general principles and positions of policy unto the state and condition of these your kingdoms. Of these the former part will branch itself into these articles.

First, That in the measuring or balancing of greatness, there is commonly too much ascribed to largeness of territory. Secondly, That there is too much ascribed to treasure or riches.

Thirdly, That there is too much ascribed to the fruitfulness of the soil, or affluence of commodities.

And, fourthly, That there is too much ascribed to the strength and fortification of towns or holds. The latter will fall into this distribution: First, That true greatness doth require a fit situation of the place or region.

Secondly, That true greatness consisteth essentially in population and breed of men. Thirdly, That it consisteth also in the valour and military disposition of the people it breedeth and in this, that they make profession of arms.

Fourthly, That it consisteth in this point, that
every common subject by the poll be fit to
make a soldier, and not only certain condi-
tions or degrees of men.

223

And those

ways trouble a sound resolution. that are conversant attentively in the histories of those times, shall find that this purchase which Fifthly, That it consisteth in the temper of the fortune twice before to others, though by accident Alexander made and compassed, was offered by government fit to keep the subjects in good they went not through with it; namely, to Agesi. heart and courage, and not to keep them in laus, and Jason of Thessaly: for Agesilaus, after the condition of servile vassals. And, sixthly, That it consisteth in the com- provinces of Asia, and had both design and comhe had made himself master of most of the low mandment of the sea. And let no man so much forget the subject pro-verted and called home upon a war excited against mission to invade the higher countries, was dipounded, as to find strange, that here is no men- his country by the states of Athens and Thebes, tion of religion, laws, or policy. For we speak of being incensed by their orators and counsellors, that which is proper to the amplitude and growth which were bribed and corrupted from Persia, as of states, and not of that which is common to Agesilaus himself avouched pleasantly, when he their preservation, happiness, and all other points said, That a hundred thousand archers of the of well-being. First, therefore, touching largeness King of Persia had driven him home: underof territories, the true greatness of kingdoms upon standing it, because an archer was the stamp upon earth is not without some analogy with the king- the Persian coin of gold. And Jason of Thessaly, dom of heaven, as our Saviour describes it; which being a man born to no greatness, but one that he doth resemble, not to any great kernel or nut, but made a fortune of himself, and had obtained by to one of the least grains; but yet such a one, as his own vivacity of spirit, joined with the opporhath a property to grow and spread. For as for large tunities of time, a great army, compounded of countries and multitude of provinces, they are many voluntaries and adventurers, to the terror of all times rather matters of burden than of strength, as Græcia, that continually expected where that may manifestly appear both by reason and exam- cloud would fall; disclosed himself in the end, ple. By reason thus. There be two manners of that his design was for an expedition into Persia, securing of large territories, the one by the natural the same which Alexander, not many years after arms of every province, and the other by the pro-achieved, wherein he was interrupted by a private tecting arms of the principal estate, in which conspiracy against his life, which took effect. So case commonly the provincials are held disarmed. that it appeareth, as was said, that it was not any So are there two dangers incident unto every estate, foreign invasion, and inward rebellion. Now, such is the nature of things, that these two remedies of estate do fall respectively into these two dangers, in case of remote provinces. For if such an estate rest upon the natural arms of the provinces, it is sure to be subject to rebellion or revolt; if upon protecting arms, it is sure to be weak against invasion: neither can this be avoided.

Now, for examples, proving the weakness of states possessed of large territories, I will use only two, eminent and selected. The first shall be of the kingdom of Persia, which extended from Egypt, inclusive, unto Bactria, and the 'borders of the East India; and yet, nevertheless, was overrun and conquered, in the space of seven years, by a nation not much bigger than this isle of Britain, and newly grown into name, having been utterly obscure till the time of Philip, the son of Amyntas. Neither was this effected by any rare or heroical prowess in the conqueror, as is vulgarly conceived, for that Alexander the Great goeth now for one the wonders of the world; for those that have made a judgment grounded upon reason of estate, do find that conceit to be merely popular; for so Livy pronounceth of him, “Nihil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere." Wherein he judgeth of vastness of territory as a vanity that may astonish a weak mind, but no

miracle of accident that raised the Macedonian monarchy, but only the weak composition of that vast state of Persia, which was prepared for a prey to the first resolute invader.

the Roman empire, which had received no dimiThe second example that I will produce, is of nution in territory, though great in virtue and forces, till the time of Jovianus. For so it was alleged by such as opposed themselves to the of the Roman army out of Persia. At which time rendering Nisibis upon the dishonourable retreat it was avouched, that the Romans, by the space of eight hundred years, had never, before that day, made any cession or renunciation to any part of their territory, whereof they had once had a constant and quiet possession. And yet, nevertheless, immediately after the short reign of Jovianus, and towards the end of the joint reign of Valentinianus and Valens, which were his immediate successors, and much more in the times succeeding, the Roman empire, notwithstanding the magnitude thereof, became no better than a carcase, whereupon all the vultures and birds of prey of the world did seize and ravine for many ages, for a perpetual monument of the essential difference between the scale of miles, and the scale of forces. And, therefore, upon these reasons and examples, we may safely conclude, that largeness of territory is so far from being a thing inseparable from greatness of power, as it is

many times contrariant and incompatible with the
same. But to make a reduction of that error to a
truth, it will stand thus, that then greatness of
territory addeth strength, when it hath these four
conditions:

First, That the territories be compacted, and
not dispersed.
Secondly, That the region which is the heart
and seat of the state, be sufficient to support
those parts, which are but provinces and
additions.

Thirdly, That the arms or martial virtue of the
state be in some degree answerable to the
greatness of dominion.

the boughs and branches. For if the top be over great, and the stalk too slender, there can be no strength. Now, the body is to be accounted so much of an estate, as is not separated or distinguished with any mark of foreigners, but is united specially with the bond of naturalization; and therefore we see that when the state of Rome grew great, they were enforced to naturalize the Latins or Italians, because the Roman stem could not bear the provinces and Italy both as branches: and the like they were contented after to do to most of the Gauls. So, on the contrary part, we see in the state of Lacedæmon, which was nice in that point, and would not admit their confederates to be incorporate with them, but rested upon the natural-born subjects of Sparta, how that a small time after they had embraced a larger empire, they were presently surcharged, in respect to the slenderness of the stem. For so in the defection of the Thebans and the rest against them, one of the principal revolters spake most aptly, and with great efficacy in the assembly of the associates, telling them, That the state of Sparta was like a river, which, after that it had run a great way, and taken other rivers and streams into it, ran strong and mighty, but about the head and fountain of it was shallow and weak; and therefore advised them to assail and invade the main of Sparta, knowing they should there find weak resistance either of towns or in the field: of towns, because upon confidence of their greatness they fortified not upon the main; in the field, because their people was exhaust by garrisons and services far off. Which counsel proved sound, to the astonishment of all Græcia at that. time.

And, lastly, That no part or province of the state be utterly unprofitable, but do confer some use or service to the state. The first of these is manifestly true, and scarcely needeth any explication. For if there be a state that consisteth of scattered points instead of lines, and slender lines instead of latitudes, it can never be solid, and in the solid figure is strength. But what speak we of mathematical principles? The reason of state is evident, that if the parts of an estate be disjoined and remote, and so be interrupted with the provinces of another sovereignty; they cannot possibly have ready succours in case of invasion, nor ready suppression in case of rebellion, nor ready recovery, in case of loss or alienation by either of both means. And, therefore, we see what an endless work the King of Spain hath had to recover the Low Countries, although it were to him patrimony and not purchase; and that chiefly in regard of the great distance. So we see that our nation kept Calais a hundred years space after it lost the rest of France, in regard of the For the third, concerning the proportion of the near situation; and yet in the end they that were military forces of a state to the amplitude of emnearer carried it by surprise, and overran succour. pire, it cannot be better demonstrated than by the Therefore Titus Quintius made a good com- two first examples which we produced of the parison of the state of the Achaians to a tortoise, weakness of large territory, if they be compared which is safe when it is retired within the shell, within themselves according to difference of time. but if any part be put forth, then the part exposed For Persia at a time was strengthened with large endangereth all the rest. For so it is with states territory, and at another time weakened; and so that have provinces dispersed, the defence whereof was Rome. For while they flourished in arms, doth commonly consume and decay, and some- the largeness of territory was a strength to them, times ruin the rest of the estate. And so, and added forces, added treasures, added reputalikewise, we may observe, that all the great tion: but when they decayed in arms, then greatmonarchies, the Persians, the Romans, and the ness became a burden. For their protecting like of the Turks, they had not any provinces to forces did corrupt, supplant, and enervate the the which they needed to demand access through natural and proper forces of all their provinces, the country of another: neither had they any long which relied and depended upon the succours and races or narrow angles of territory, which were directions of the state above. And when that environed or clasped in with foreign states; but waxed impotent and slothful, then the whole state their dominions were continued and entire, and laboured with her own magnitude, and in the end had thickness and squareness in their orb or con- fell with her own weight. And that, no question, tents. But these things are without contradiction. was the reason of the strange inundations of peoFor the second, concerning the proportion be- ple which both from the east and north-west overtween the principal region, and those which are whelmed the Roman empire in one age of the but secondary, there must evermore distinction be world, which a man upon the sudden would made between the body or stem of the tree, and attribute to some constellation or fatal revolution

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