African who was of the firft rank in his own country and a man of letters. He was taken in one of thofe plundering wars, which the Slave Trade gives occafion to; was carried to Maryland, and fold as it happened to a remarkably humane and very excellent mafter. His mafter inquired into the cafe, found out that he was educated in the Mahometan religion, that he could read and write Arabic, that he was a man of rank as well as literature, and all the circumftances being taken into confideration, he was after a full examination of facts, redeemed and fent home to Africa. -Now, Sir, if this man with all his advantages, had fallen into the hands, I do not fay of a hard hearted, but even an ordinary mafter, would he not inevitably have worn out his life in the fame Egyptian bondage, in which thousands of his fellow Africans drag on their miferable days? Put fuch cases as thefe home to yourselves, and you will find the Slave Trade is a thing not to be justified, not to be tolerated for å moment, for the fake of any convenience whatfoever.

As to danger from the want of population in the Islands, even this pretext has been completely done away by the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer; and it is remarkable, that though he was at the pains of going fully into thofe calculations, infomuch, that I really thought him too condefcending in that detail, there has not been the leaft attempt to controvert any of his ftatements. Not a single calculation of his has been gone into, by any one of the Gentlemen who are against the Abolition of the Trade.-It is a little hard, I think, that I fhould be obliged to be the perfon to do it, but I really muft complain in this inftance of a want of refpect to the Right Honourable Gentleman, from this filence, and this on the part of fome of the Honourable Gentlemen fitting near him: but the fact I know is, that not the fhadow of an answer could be given; and yet fo it is, that Gentlemen refufe to be convinced!

Upon the whole, I fhall give my opinion of this traffick in a very few words. I believe it to be impolitic-I know it to be inhuman-I am certain it is unjuft-I think it fo inhuman, that, if the plantations could not be cultivated without it, upon the principles of humanity and juftice, they ought not to be carried on at all. Even if the objects of it were brute animals, no humane man could expofe them to be treated

with fuch wanton cruelty. If the merchandize were totally inanimate, no honeft man could fupport a trade founded upon fuch principles of injustice. Upon these grounds, there is every neceffity for putting an immediate end to it.

I think the Honourable Gentleman has made precifely the moft proper motion in this ftage of the bufinefs. It confines the House to nothing, provided they are friends to the Abolition, either immediate or future. He has told you his ideas, and thofe who differ from him as to time, may propofe their's. Let us refcue Parliament from the degrading fituation in which they stand at prefent, of having given their fanction to this trade. Many Gentlemen feel the burden, and are defirous of being relieved from it. Let us do our duty, and remove this opprobrium from ourfelves; and if other countries follow our example, fo much the better; if they do not, let us glory in leaving them behind, let us fhew thein that Great Britain deferves to ftand as high in the opinion of the world for her juftice, as I know fhe does already for her wisdom, or the fuperiority of her conftitution, and for the excellency of her laws, which excite the admiration of furrounding countries. But, Sir, I can have no doubt, that the example which we thall fet in abolishing the Slave Trade will have a great effect, certainly greater than that of any other country in Europe. What is the prefent fituation of France with refpect to her colonies? It is critical and peculiar. One day they talk of Liberty and are inclined to favour the Negroes; another day they check themselves and fufpend their measures. It is the timid wavering conduct which the National Affembly was prevailed on to adopt, in preference to bold and refolute meafures, that has produced all the dreadful mifchiefs at St. Domingo.

Thele, Sir, are the cruel confequences of moderate meafures. Decifion had been mercy; decifion even against the prejudice of their Weft India Planters, would have been a thousand times better for thofe Pianters, than indecifion and half measures.

But there are fome perfons who are fond of throwing out, that our Islands will not fubmit to the Abolition of the Slave Trade, that they will fay, "We cannot, we will not fuff it, and we must feek out fome other connection." To Į very freely answer, "If you chufe to be protected

who are beft able to do it, we will protect you, and we think we can render you more service than any other country; but if you are to be connected with us, IT MUST BE ON THE PRINCIPLES OF JUSTICE. If Britain muft involve herself in this dishonourable, this bloody bufinefs, for the fake of the Inlands; if thefe are your terms, let the connection cease from this moment.

Perhaps, Sir, there is lefs boldness than there appears to be in ftating this fo ftrongly, for I am well perfuaded, that our Weft India Islands too well know the fuperior advantages of their prefent connection, to break with us on this ground; I am well convinced they will fay to us, "Though you abolish the Slave Trade you fhall not drive us away from you: to you we must ftill adhere, our habits, our feelings, and what is more our interefts, incline us to prefer your connection to that of any other country. Though you shake the Slave Trade off from us, you shall never shake us off from you.” But if they fhould not fay this, and if the question be, whether Britain fhall retain the Slave Trade and the West India Islands, or fhall part with them both together; I do not hesitate a moment in deciding which alternative fhe ought to take; I declare at once, "BETTER BE WITHOUT THE ISLANDS THAN NOT ABOLISH THE SLAVE TRADE." Let us therefore, this night, act the part which will do us honour; let us vote for bringing in a bill for the abolition. If we fail, which I confess I have fome apprehenfion of, I have only to exprefs my gratitude to the Honourable Gentleman for the part he has taken. He does not need my exhortation to perfift; but this will I declare, that whether we vote in a small minority or large one, "We wever will give up the point." Whether in this House, or out of this Houfe; in whatsoever fituation I may ever be; as long as I have a voice to fpeak, this quefiion fhall never be at an end: if it were poffible that the Honourable Gentleman could entertain the idea of abandoning it, I would not.

But Sir, even if all thofe who are engaged in this question were to be removed away, there would never be wanting men alive to their duty who would cry out for justice, who would maintain a perpetual ftruggle, till this Trade fhould be

done away.

We who think that these things are not merely impolitick but inhuman and unjust; that they are not of the nature of

trade,

trade, but that they are crimes, pollutions, which stain the honour of a country! We, Sir, will never relax our efforts.

We wish to prevent man from preying upon man; and we must do our duty, let the world think of us as they may. And I poffefs the fulleft confidence that our perfeverance will enfure fuccefs.

One word more : never let this fubject be confounded with any ideas of political flavery. Were I a member of an Arbitrary Government, where the will of the Prince alone was law, I fhould be as zealous to wipe off fuch a stain as this from that country, as I now am to do it from our own. What means Slavery? A Slave is one whom another man commands at his pleasure: who belongs not to himself, but to his mafter, at whofe difpofal he is in all refpects; this is perfonal flavery. Political flavery is but a metaphor; it has got the name from its bearing only fome faint resemblance to flavery, literally fo called. It has been named Political Slavery, with a view of exciting fomewhat of that fame horror against it, which Perfonal Slavery is known always to excite. Few men, I believe, carry their ideas of Political Freedom higher than I do; but although I cannot help thinking the People of France under the old Defpotick Government were enflaved in one fenfe; yet their ftate when compared with Perfonal Slavery, was a ftate of perfect Freedom. Nor is the difference between any two the most diftant degrees of Political Slavery and Freedom, to be put in competition with the difference between every individual flave and free man. Never again, therefore, let our understandings be infulted by confounding two things fo totally different.

I have not again read to the Houfe, this day, any of those hocking accounts, with which I troubled them last year. But I repeat" They are upon evidence! They ftand on unqueftionable authority!" And if any Gentleman has neglected to to attend to these cruelties, they nevertheless exift.

But neither are these ftories neceflary to my argument. If the fituation of the Negroes were as happy as fervitude could make them, I must not commit the enormous crime of felling man to man; nor permit a practice to continue which puts an entire bar to the civilization of one whole quarter of the habitable globe. Many years will not be given us to difcufs this fubject. This nation will not long permit the conftant

commi

commiffion of crimes that shock human nature, for the fake of the Weft Indies. And if the Weft India Gentlemen will inft on the continuance of fuch a trade, they must not expect to be very popular in this country. They have NO RIGHT to demand that crimes shall be permitted by this country for their advantage. And the advice I give them is, that they fhould give up these ideas, and lend their cordial affiftance to fuch measures as may bring about, in the shorteft poffible time, an abolition of a traffick, for which not one reason can be given, that is confiftent with policy, humanity, or justice.

MR. ADDINGTON, to explain-The Committee will do me the honour to recollect, that what I have stated in favour of gradual, rather than immediate abolition, was on the principle of fecuring the property of individuals: I did not conceive that the prefent ftate of the West Indies would admit of our abolishing this trade immediately.

As to what the Right Honourable Gentleman has faid of giving a bounty on the importation of females, I mentioned certainly, that I thought a duty might be laid on imported negroes, which fhould be lighter on the females, than on the males. I admit this muft operate in effect as a bounty on the women imported. If a fufficient fupply of negroes can be raised the Iflands, I wish no fuch diftinctions fhould be made.

With refpect to the means of carrying the regulations in the West Indies into execution, which the Right Honourable Gentleman thinks is a very nice point; the mode that has occurred to me is, that an addrefs fhould be prefented to His Majefty, that he would be graciously pleased to direct certain regulations to be propofed by the Governors of the Weft India Islands.

I cannot help thinking that that moderation which has been recommended by my Right Honourable Friend, is the only way in which we can fecure our object, or do ourselves honour in the eyes of the world.

THE