part of it. It is of the utmost importance that we should not be thought by our conftituents flow to adopt principles of juftice, or more deaf than they are themselves to the voice of humanity. The people have shown, by the terms which may be seen in their petitions, as well as the petitions themfelves, that they do not confider this question merely in the light, in which the Honourable Gentlemen who spoke last, feemed to have confidered it; but they feel a guilt attaching itself to them, fo long as this trade lafts; and from this guilt it is, that they pray us, their reprefentatives, to deliver them. It feems to me, in this view of the question, that it is a very serious subject indeed. It has been fometimes infinuated, that Parliament, by interfering in this trade, departs from its proper functions. No idea can be more abfurd or falfe than this. Why are we fent to Parliament? Is not the correction of abuses among all the fubjects over whom we have authority, the proper bufinefs of the Legiflature? To watch over the various abuses as they arife in the feveral profeffions of life, and to make from time to time fresh laws for their correction, is our proper, and even our daily and ordinary business. There are many evils, which, from their distance or infignificance, escape our notice at firft; but when they are grown into confequence, it is then that the Legiflature notices them, and thinks itself indifpenfibly bound to interfere. In every view of the fubject, therefore, I moft heartily fupport the motion of my Honourable Friend. I wifh for the Abolition of this Trade, Firft, as I have ftated, for the fake of the commercial honour and the commercial intereft of this country: I wish for its abolition ftill more, 'because I wish to maintain the good fame and reputation of Parliament, on which fo materially depends the maintenance of our happy constitution : but most of all I wish the Abolition of this Trade on those eternal principles of juftice, as well as humanity, to which nations, as well as individuals, are bound in all their conduct to conform themselves. Mr. VAUGHAN, in explanation. The Honourable Gentleman who spoke last supposes that I am a friend to Slavery. I faid I faid I had fome property in the Weft Indies, and, being an elder fon, might have looked to the poffeffion of Negroes; but I declare I never had, nor ever will be poffeffed of a flave. As to the Slave Trade, I thought what I had said might have explained my feelings. I would facrifice any thing to a prudent termination of both evils, for all perfons must wish that neither had commenced. I was anxious to protect abfent characters, and confined myself to parts which might, in the refult, remove prejudices from the Colonists. Mr. THORNTON, in reply to Mr. Vaughan. I have not meant, by any thing I have faid, to reflect perfonally on the Honourable Gentleman as a friend to flavery. On the contrary, I have wifhed rather to say every thing that is respectful of both the Honourable Gentlemen. It is rather the Slave Trade, than flavery, I have spoken against. Colonel TARLETON. Sir, notwithstanding all the violence with which this motion was fupported last year; notwithstanding the indefatigable exertions of the Junto, fince that period, which are fully evinced by the pile of Petitions that have been placed upon the table; I shall not fhrink from the question, but proceed to argue against a speculation which, if carried into effect, would, I conceive, prove highly prejudicial to the immediate and future interefts of this country; being ftrongly and firmly convinced that humanity, to become laudable and eftimable, must be tempered with juftice. I do not confider it neceffary, after the thorough investigation which this question has undergone, and the adjudication it received from a respectable majority of this House last year, again to enter into all the minutia, which are neceffarily implicated in fo important a debate, and which have been already fo amply difcuffed; but I fhall touch upon the different prominent features, and fhall never, I truft, lofe fight of that philanthropy which the Abolitionists fallaciously esteem to be their their vantage-ground on this occafion. As I am one of those that do not think this peculation can, after the hearing and re-hearing it has already obtained, be prolonged to any inordinate length, especially when I recollect, that affairs of the greatest importance to this House and this Country have lately been voted by large majorities without inquiry, and almoft without difcuffion on the part of Administration; yet as one of the Representatives of a great and flourishing commercial town, as a friend to the rights and property of many thoufands of Manufacturers, Merchants, and Planters, and an advocate likewife for Humanity, good Policy, and Juftice, I will proceed briefly, and, I truft, clearly, to ftate those arguments which occur to me against the Abolition of the African Trade. I fhall not now notice the Origin of the Trade; the fanction it has received from Parliament; the ftate of ignorance in which the natives of Africa are involved; the horrid despotifm which pervades it, in confequence of that barbarism; or compare the mild government of the Weft Indies, with the favage tyranny of the Kings and Princes of Africa; but endeavour to point out the impolicy and impoffibility of abolifhing the African Trade. The different States of Europe are, and have been for ages paft, folicitous to increase their Commerce, their Colonies, and their Slave Trade; and by experience have found, that the profperity of all depended upon the fuccefs of each. I need not enumerate the Portugueze, the Danes, the Dutch, the Spaniards, and the French, who were reported in this House to have been on the ftart to outrace us in the fuppreffion of the Slave Trade, but who, by authorities which I have now in my hand, are actually foremoit in the courfe for its continuance and extenfion. It is apparent, therefore, as I had the honour, on a former occafion to remark to this Houfe, that if we were difpofed to facrifice our African Trade, other nations would not enter into fo ruinous a plan. The French, for inftance, depend greatly on their Weft India Trade as a fource both of revenue and navigation. I have it not now in contemplation to expatiate on the fituation of St. Domingo; to that I fhall prefently advert ;) will they fuffer a trade; upon which their whole commerce turns, to Janguifh? No; they would thank us for our mistaken ideas of humanity, and they would profit by them; the difadvan tage tage would be our's; the advantage would be their's; and the condition of the African would be exactly the fame, whether he croffed the Atlantic in an English, or any other Eu, ropean bottom; and fhould we perfift in fo wild a project as Abolition, the Continent will foon be fupplied with English. houses, English ships, and English capitals. Having ftated the prefent fituation of Europe, with regard to the African Trade, it does not, I think, require much pene, tration or judgment to detect and expofe the fallacious doctrine of thofe Sectaries, who would attempt to abolish what other nations encourage and protect. A portion of common fenfe, which in general contributes more to the public good than fophiftry or enthusiasm, and which frequently difperfes the mifts which Eloquence, Prejudice, and Fanaticifm, endeavour to raife, to cover their own purposes, enables the majority of this House, and of this Country, to declare, that an Abolition on the part of England alone, will not abolith the trade in general. Unless a place of Congress fhall be appointed, and unless all the nations of Europe accede to fuch a propofition, and when their deputies fhall be affembled, enter fully into the project of Abolition; we only create difficulties and embarraffments for our own Merchants and Manufacturers, without effecting any other purpofe. Nay, perhaps our prefent wild, fanatical manner of conducting this fpeculation, may alienate the affections of our Colonists, who, through a deluge of blood, may work out for themfelves another independence, or may throw themselves into the arms of thofe confederated ftates,, whose constitution tells us, that they have a facred regard for public faith, and private property. Though I fincerely wifh, for the honour of human nature, that an eternal veil' could be drawn over the recent horrible tranfactions in St. Domingo, I cannot help noticing fome circumftances, because they seem to originate in the fame principles and practices, which fome people in this Country have lately adopted, with regard to the Weft-India Iflands. Ifhall not attempt to defcribe the barbarities and horrors of those fcenes, which have been displayed at St. Domingo-a bare recital of which, would make an impreffion upon the hardest heart, and moft inacceffible understanding, without the affiftance of pathetic eloquence, or laboured ingenuity. I therefore turn the attention of the Committee from a ་་་ plation of rapes, of maffacres, of conflagrations, of impaled infants, and acts of parricide, and endeavour to point out concifely, the impolicy, as well as danger, of our now pursuing the object of Abolition. Partial extracts of the debates of this House, and the garbled ftatements of evidence, which have been fo induftrioufly circulated, both in this Country, and through all the Colonies, have created alarm and diftruft throughout every Ifland in the Weft-Indies: all the letters from that quarter of the Globe, speak moft forcibly of the mischiefs and dangers that may arife, and which actually threaten the White-Inhabitants. I have within this laft week received a letter from a respectable officer at Antigua, describing the fickly fituation of the King's troops, owing to the frequent detachments required from them, in order to awe or suppress insurrections amongst the Negroes, throughout the different Iflands. Government has been made acquainted with these circumstances, and the perils which confequently impended, and to relieve the minds of the Colonifts: and to counteract the abfurd vote of the Minifter, that very Minifter has been compelled to fend a reinforcement of Infantry, and a Regiment of Light Dragoons; the vote of this night may require additional troops, and if this chimerical project is to be revived every year, the Army of England may be fully employed in the Weft Indies. On the fubject of the Petitions, which have been lately prefented, I must beg leave to obferve, that though I entertain the highest refpect and veneration for the Petitions of the people of England, I cannot yield my admiration on the prefent occafion, because I think that their fentiments have not been fairly collected. The form and language of the Petitions bear too ftrong a refemblance to each other, they appear to be the manufacture of the Sectaries of the Old Jewry; and the fignatures do not ftamp them, in my mind, with any additional credit or authority. Unexpected and unfolicited letters have lately poured in upon me, from the most respectable individuals, in all parts of England, defcribing the various artful modes adopted for obtaining and creating Signatures, and to an honourable Member now in my eye, I am indebted for an extenfive correfpondence, even in the remoteft parts of Scotland. |