I might urge many other arguments to prove that all regu lations must be ineffectual, fhort of the admiffion of the flave to give evidence. But to admit the flaves to give evidence in their prefent ftate of civilization, would be of the moft dangerous confequence to the fafety and the property of the Planters; and to admit the flaves to any of the rights of citizens, where they fo greatly out-number the whites, will be to make them in effect the masters. One Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Vaughan) has faid, the flaves may be admitted to give evidence, leaving it to the judges to give weight, according to their discretion, to the depofitions. I confefs this appears to me to be fraught with a moft hazardous principle of difcontent; for how are the Negroes to be perfuaded, that it is fit they shall be admitted to fpeak the truth, and then be difbelieved and difregarded? What a fermentation must such a conduct naturally excite in men difmiffed with injuries unredreffed, though abundantly proved, in their apprehenfion, by their teftimony? If then it be proved, that no regulations are likely to be effectual, and it has been admitted, that the evil calls in an imperious and irresistible manner for a remedy, there is no expedient left but an Abolition. That an Abolition of the Trade would not only be effectual, but fafe, and even beneficial to the Planters, has been irrefragably proved by the calculations of the ftate of population by a Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Pitt) to which no answer has been even attempted to be given. And until fuch an attempt is made with fuccefs, I wish fuch Gentlemen (who I fear are many) as come down to vote with a flight view of the fubject, upon the affurances of fome of their friends (perhaps interested) who say that it is a dangerous expedient to abolish the trade, would confider seriously how they can reconcile their confciences to justify and continue the most horrible cruelty and injuftice, upon a political neceffity, not maintained except by affertion, but refuted in the calculations, and abandoned in argument, even by those whofe authority they meant to follow in their decifion.

I could wish two defcriptions of perfons to give their attention to what I admit to be only an argument to their difcretion, but to what appears to me to be a very forcible confideration, and one which in wisdom ought to have great weight

F 4

and

currence.

influence on their conduct. I wifh the Planters to confider the great increasing progrefs, which the opinion of the injustice of the Trade is making in the Nation at large, as manifefted by the Petitions, which had almoft obftructed the proceedings of the House by their perpetual introduction. They must begin to perceive, that it is no longer poffible to stifle the business in the birth, that offended Juftice will at length, with an uplifted arm, break down all opposition, and that the minds of the representatives would be found in union with the opinions of their conftituents. It is now, therefore, for them to fave their credit, and to take care that the retribution to the injured Africans fhall not be made without their conThe other description of perfons, whose attention I requeft (and whom I have reafon to believe to be a large body) are fuch as have been led to ascribe the agitation of this queftion to the same spirit of abftract and impracticable equalization, which they dread to fee applied to the deftructi. on of order and good government in our invaluable Constitution. If there be any perfons with this apprehenfion, they will do well to confider whether they had not better be in haste to destroy that affociation, and by feparating the real evil' from the imaginary grievance, to destroy the credit which the latter may derive from being connected in opinion with the former. If they neglect to remedy a most abominable and crying abuse, against which every feeling of reason, religion, and even political wifdom, revolts with abhorrence, do they not play into the hands of thofe, who conftrue their dread of innovation on other occafions, into an obftinate refistance of truth, juftice, and expediency?

I fhall now conclude with repeating a profeffion I formerly made, that I will never cease to promote the Abolition of the Slave Trade, with every faculty of body and mind, till the injuries of humanity are redreffed, and the national character relieved from the deepest difgrace that is recorded in the annals of mankind.

Mr.

Mr. WHITBREAD. The fubject has undergone fo full and fair a difcuffion, and the arguments that have been urged to prove that the motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade is founded in principles of impolicy and injustice, have so compleatly failed of their effect, that I do not deem it neceffary to occupy much of the time of the Committee, and therefore shall not long detain them. Could I conceive that the trade is, as fome have afferted it to be, founded on principles of humanity; could I conceive that the miserable Africans are rescued from death and torture in their own country, and that upon being carried to the West Indies, a happier clime and more luxuriant foil, they are put under the dominion of kind and humane mafters; that their toil is light, and their labour eafy; that their days are spent in healthy, and pleafing occupation, and not confumed in dreary and oppreffive labour, and that at evening they return to their homes, chearfully to the fong and the dance, and retire to reft, unfatigued, and with hearts at eafe; that in the morning they rife, invigorated by reft, and alert with chearfulness, to purfue an occupation that is mild and easy; were I convinced, that in fickness they are attended with care and fkill, and that their old age is rendered comfortable by the enjoyment of peace and plenty, and that they lay them down to fleep the fleep of death, in calmness and refignation; were I convinced, that these were circumstances that existed in truth, and are fubftantiated by fact, even then, I would vote that the Slave Trade be abolished; inafmuch, as I am convinced, that that which is in principle fundamentally wrong, no practice whatever can render right and pardonable. No argument can prove, nor any eloquence perfuade me, that man is torn from his native country, and his dearest connections, for the purpose of nourishment, and that he is delivered into the hands of man, in order to warrant his safety, and procure his protection. Who will aflert, that man, when delivered into the hands of man, will not be ill treated? Who will fay that he fhall not fuffer? It is the known effect of power upon the human heart, and it must neceffarily happen, that not only those who were originally good, by being poffeffed of arbitrary power become bad, but that many exercife a greater degree of cruelty than they would otherwife have imagined, from the mere circumftance of their being enabled to do fo with impunity. When

man

man is fubject to the dominion of his fellow creature, there muft, on the one hand, be tyranny, and on the other, a deep fenfe of injury: it is the quality of defpotifm to corrupt the heart, and deaden the finer feelings of nature. Of the hardened and cruel among mankind, there are already too great a number, and to permit perfons of that defcription, to poffefs power over their fellow creatures, is to fuffer an evil that is dangerous and unjuftifiable indeed. I beg leave to obferve, that expreffions have fallen from fome of those who have contended for the humanity of the Slave Trade, that convince me, that barbarities exift in that traffick that are difgraceful to human nature. I have heard it afferted in this House, I do not impute it invidioufly to any one, but it was an expreffion that forcibly ftruck my mind; I mean an expreffion of an Honourable Gentleman in his place in the last feffion of Parliament, on the difcuffion of the Sierra Leone business, who, when he came to speak of the flaves, in an account of the felling off the ftock of a plantation, said, that the flaves fetched lefs than their common price, because they were damaged!-Damaged! Does not this imply that the flave had fpent the best part of his life in the fervice of a master, who parts with him for a fmall compenfation, and leaves him to linger out the remainder of his miferable exiftence with a mafter, perhaps of more fevere manners, a harsher nature, and in all probability not lefs arbitrary in his difpofition? I cannot but mention a paffage that I discovered in the perufal of a pamphlet published in the defence of the Slave Trade, the author of which, defcribing the happy fituation of the negroes, among other felicitous circumftances obferves, that a good negro wants no character, for his fervices may be seen, as it were, and his value appreciated, by the marks he bore of chains, galls, and lafhes. What is that, but to say that fuch inftruments of torture are made ufe of, and that lashes are inflicted that leave indelible marks? And who will fay, that they were juftly inflicted? An Honourable Gentleman, who this evening fpoke for the first time in this House (Mr. Vaughan) has faid, that he heartily wifhed for the Abolition of the trade, and yet has argued in favour of its continuance. That Gentleman has declared, that upon going over to the

Indies, he was surprised to find the flaves in fo good a n; but he has alfo obferved, that they are all poor and

degraded,

degraded, and putting slavery and cruelty out of the question, are better off than the poor of this country. What is it,: we want to abolish? It is cruelty and flavery that we wish to abolish, and thereby to do away that dreadful diftinction which degrades their condition, and reduces them below the level of their fellow creatures. The Honourable Gentleman has expreffed his admiration of their refignation; but is it not; that fort of refignation which is the confequence of despair?: He has alfo faid, that one of the overfeers afked a flave, who: was idle, "What do you think your mafter bought you for? Did he not buy you to labour?" and that the flave thereupon directly began to work. Had the negro ufed any reply, what would have been the argument in anfwer, but thofe wheals and fears which he could not have refifted?-With refpect to the affertion that the commerce of the country. would be materially affected by an Abolition of the Slave Trade, as the fubject has been fo ably difcuffed, I will not detain the Committee upon that point. Nothing has paffed to alter my opinion on the fubject; but as an Honourable, Friend of mine (Colonel Tarleton) who has made a very able defence of the trade, has a erted that the petitions which have been presented from all parts of the kingdom, do not contain the general opinion of the people, or fpeak their fentiments, but that they have been obtained by artifice, and were undeferving of credit; I muft beg leave to observe, that my Honourable Friend has adduced rather unfatisfactory evidence to prove, that the Petitions do not fpeak the voice of the country. I have had the honour to present a petition from my conftituents, and I will venture to fay, that there does not exist more refpectable names in the kingdom than thofe of the perfons who have figned that Petition. It has been faid by my Honourable Friend, that there is a strong fimilitude in their tenor and fubftance. That is a circumftance, by no means to be wondered at. There is but one plain tale to tell, and it is not surprising that it has been told in nearly the fame manner and expreffions. There is but one boon to ask, and that is the Abolition of the Slave Trade. The Petitions contain the fentiments of the people in general, and neither can they be invalidated, nor the evidence on the table be difproved, by the epiftle of a quaker at Warrington, or the letter of a Chefter ichool-boy. The Honourable Gentleman