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Still in thy right hand, carry gentle peace,

To silence envious tongues. 3.

Be just and fear not. Let all the ends thou aim'st at, be thy country's, Thy God's, and truth's; then, if thou fall'st, Ó Cromwell, Thou fall'st a blessed martyr!' o Cromwell, Cromwell; Had I but serv'd my God, with half the zeal I serv'd my king, He would not in mine age, Have left me naked to mine enemies !

“Wolsey's Farewell Address” and his “Soliloquy,” are taken from a scene in Henry VIII. The exhortation which the great dramatic poet, through the proud, broken, and remorseful spirit of Cardinal Wolsey, addresses to Cromwell, is no less elevated in moral tone, than it is beautiful in language.

The writer heard the President of Missouri University, Professor J. H. Lathrop, after quoting, in a lecture, the first part of the last verse, say, by way of contrast, and in imitation of Shakspeare's style:

“But if thou plume the wing of power,
And tempt the giddy height, for sordid ends;
I'll drag thee from the heaven of thy ambition,
And thy fall shall be ' like Lucifer's,
Never to rise again.”


1. Then Judah came near unto him, and said, O my lord, let thy servant, I pray thee, speak a word in my lord's ears, and let not thine anger burn against thy servant; for thou art even as Pharaoh. My lord asked his servants, saying, Have ye a father or a brother?

2. And we said unto my lord, We have a father, an old man, and a child of his old age, a little one; and his brother is dead, and he alone is left of his mother, and his father loveth him. And thou saidst unto thy servants, Bring him down unto me, that I may set mine eyes upon him.

3. And we said unto my lord, The lad cannot leave his father ; for if he should leave his father, his father would die. And thou saidst unto thy servants, Except your youngest brother come down with you, ye shall see my face no more. And it came to pass, when we came up unto thy servant my father, we told him the words of my lord.

4. And our father said, Go again and buy us a little food. And we said, We cannot go down, unless our youngest brother be with us, for we may not see the man's face except our youngest brother be with us. And thy servant my father said unto us, Ye know that my wife bare me two sons; and the one went out from me, and I said, surely he is torn in pieces; and I saw him not since.

5. And if ye take this also from me, and mischief befal him, ye shall bring down my gray hairs with sorrow to the grave. Now, therefore, when I come to thy servant my father, and the lad be not with us, seeing that his life is bound up in the lad's life, it shall come to pass, when he seeth that the lad is not with us, that he will die; and thy servants shall bring down the gray hairs of thy servant our father with sorrow to

the grave.

6. For thy servant became surety for the lad unto my father, saying, If I bring him not unto thee, then I shall bear the blame to my father for ever. Now therefore, I pray thee, let thy servant abide, instead of the lad, a bondman to my lord; and let the lad go up with his brethren. For how shall I go up to my father, and the lad. be not with me ? lest peradventure I see the evil that shall come on my father.—Genesis xliv.

This speech is very pathetia. Its effect upon Joseph was so great, that he immediately disclosed himself. No sooner had Judah finished it, than Joseph said to his brethren, “I am Joseph ; doth my father yet live ?"

Every incident in Joseph's life, is very instructive and deeply interesting: Mr. Pease, of Albany, has published a book, bearing the attractive title of “Letters to young men, founded on the History of Joseph," written by the learned and accomplished William B. Sprague, D.D. of that city.

Judah's speech should be given both earnestly and mildly. The italicised words require only slight emphasis.



1. Mr. Speaker :- I rise to discharge a painful and melancholy duty, by announcing the death of Gen. James Blair, a representative from the state of South Carolina

The accur

rences of the last few weeks furnish to us all an impressive and awful admonition of the precarious tenure by which we hold this fleeting and feverish existence, while we are but too prone to act as if it would never have an end.

2. Scarcely have our feelings recovered from the violence of the shock, produced by the extraordinary and unexampled spectacle of one of our number, falling dead before our eyes, while in the act of addressing the house on a great question of deep and absorbing interest, when we are summoned to pay the last melancholy offices of humanity to another, whose death was equally sudden.

3. Mr. Speaker, I never have been able to feel that on occasions of this kind, panegyric is an appropriate tribute to the memory of the dead. They are beyond the reach of praise ; and it is not by this, that they are judged, either in this world or the next. Biographical details, however brief, are, in my opinion, not more appropriate. Where the deceased is known, they are unnecessary; where he is unknown, they are seldom of any

interest. 4. His name should be his epitaph; and, however blank it may appear to the vacant eye of the passing stranger, it will always have the power to call up the recollection of his virtues in the bosom of friendship, and the tear of undissembled sorrow in the eye of affection-offerings more grateful and congenial to the disembodied spirit, than the proudest monument which human art can erect, or the most pompous eulogium which human eloquence can pronounce.

5. Without saying more, sir, I now ask the house to bestow upon the memory of the deceased, the customary testimonials of respect, by adopting the resolution I hold in my hand.


General Blair, and the Hon. Thomas T. Bouldin, of Virginia, the other member of congress to whom Mr. M’Duffie alludes in the second verse of his eloquent and solemn speech, died at Washington in the year 1834. The resolution of which he speaks in conclusion, proposed that the members of the house should go into mourning, by wearing crape on the left arm, for tbirty days,-a custom which has long prevailed in parliamentary bodies. When General Harrison's death occurred, as that melancholy event took place while he was president of the United States, crape was worn also on the hats of all the various officers of the government. The twenty-six pall bearers, one for each state, wore, in addition to these habiliments of wo, white silk scarfs over the shoulder, with a black crape rosette on their bosoms.

State affairs have, for several years, occupied Mr. M’Duffie's attention, almost exclusively. He has been governor of South Carolina, as well as

a representative in congress from that state. He speaks rapidly and with power. His announcement of General Blair's death, is a burst of true eloquence. It should be given in the deep and solemn tone of grief. The countenance should be expressive of “the nothingness of man, and the supremacy of Providence.


Gerrit Smith, Esq..

1. I love the free and happy form of civil government under which I live; not because it confers new rights on me. My rights all spring from an infinitely nobler source—from the favor and grace of God. Our political and constitutional rights, so called, are but the natural and inherent rights of man, asserted, carried out, and secured by modes of human contrivance, To no human charter am I indebted for my rights. They pertain to my original constitution; and I read them in that Book of books, which is the great Charter of man's rights. No, the constitutions of my nation and state create none of my rights. They do, at the most, but recognize what it was not theirs to give.

2. My reason therefore, for loving a republican form of government, and for preferring it to any other—to monarchical and despostic government–is, not that it clothes me with rights, which these withhold from me; but, that it makes fewer encroachments than they do, on the rights which God gave me on the divinely appointed scope of man's agency. I prefer, in a word, the republican system, because it comes up more nearly to God's system. It is not then to the constitutions of my nation and state, that I am indebted for the right of free discussion; though I am thankful for the glorious defence with which those instruments surround that right.

3. God himself gave me this right; and a sufficient proof that He did so, is to be found in the fact, that He requires me to exercise it. Take from the men, who compose the church of Christ on earth, the right of free discussion, and you disable them for His service. They are now the lame and the dumb and the blind. In vain is it now, that you bid them “hold forth the word of life”-in vain that you bid them “not to suffer sin upon a neighbor, but in any wise to rebuke him"-in vain is


it, that you bid them "go into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature."

4. If God made me to be one of his instruments for carrying forward the salvation of the world, then is the right of free discussion among my inherent rights; then may I, must I, speak of sin, any sin, every sin, that comes in my way—any sin, every sin, which it is my duty to search out and to assail

. When, therefore, this right is called in question, then is the invasion, not of something obtained from human convention and human concession; but the invasion of a birthright—of that which is as old as our being, and a part of the original

5. This right, so sacred, is sought to be trammeled. It is virtually denied. What I have said is introductory to the expression of my dissent from the tenor of the language, with which this invasion is generally met. This right is, for the most part, defended on the ground, that it is given to us by our political constitution; and that it was purchased for us by the blood and toil of our fathers. Now, I wish to see its defence placed on its true and infinitely higher ground; on the ground, that God gave it to us; and that he, who violates or betrays it

, is guilty, not alone of dishonoring the laws of his country and the blood and toil and memory of his fathers; but, that he is guilty also of making war upon God's plan of man's constitution and endowments; and of attempting to narrow down and destroy that dignity, with which God invested him, when He made him in his own image, and but “ little lower than the angels.”

6. When, therefore, we would defend this right, let us not defend it so much with the jealousy of an American—a republican; as though it were but an American or a republican right, and could claim no higher origin than human will and human statutes; but let us defend it as men, feeling that to lose it, is to lose a part of ourselves; let us defend it as men, determined to maintain, even to their extreme boundary, the rights and powers, which God has given to us for our usefulness and enjoyment; and the surrender of an iota of which is treason against Heaven.

7. We are threatened with legislative restraints on this right. Let us tell our legislators in advance, that this is a right, restraints on which, we will not, cannot bear; and that every attempt to restrain it is a palpable wrong on God and

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