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3. Within a windowed niche of that high hall,
Sat Brunswick's fated chieftain. He did hear
And roused the vengeance, blood alone could quell;
And gathering tears, and tremblings of distress,
If ever more should meet those mutual eyes,
The mustering squadron, and the clattering car,
While thronged the citizens with terror dumb, Or whispering with white lips“ The foe! they come! they come." 6. Last noon beheld them full of lusty life;
Last eve, in beauty's circle, proudly gay;
Which her own clay shall cover -heaped and pent,
Byron's Description of the Night before the Battle of Waterloo, and of the battle itself, is well suited for an elocutionary exercise, especially the second verse, in which the sentiment requires the low, middle and high key in quick succession.
55. RIGHT OF FREE DISCUSSION.-D. Websler.
1. Important as I deem it to discuss, on all proper occasions, the policy of the measures at present pursued, it is still moro important to maintain the right of such discussion its full and just extent. Sentiments lately sprung up, and now grow. ing fashionable, make it necessary to be explicit on this point. The more I perceive a disposition to check the freedom of in. quiry, by extravagant and unconstitutional pretences, the firmer shall be the tone in which I shall assert, and the freer the manner in which I shall exercise it.
2. It is the ancient and undoubted prerogative of this people, to canvass public measures, and the merits of public men.li is a “homebred right," a fireside privilege. It hath ever been enjoyed in every house, cottage, and cabin in the nation. It is not to be drawn into controversy. Il is as undoubted as the right of breathing the air, or walking on the earth.
3. Belonging to private life as a right, it belongs to public life as a duty; and it is the last duty which those whose representative I am, shall find me to abandon. Aiming, at all times, to be courteous and temperate in its use, except when the right itself shall be questioned, I shall then carry it to its extent. I shall place myself on the extreme boundary of my right, and bid defiance to any arm that would move me from my ground.
4. This high constitutional privilege, I shall defend and exercise, within this house, and without this house, and in all places ; in time of war, in time of peace, and at all times. Living, I shall assert it; dying I shall assert it; and should I leave no other inheritance to my children, by the blessing of God, I will leave them the inheritance of free principles, and the example of a manly, independent, and constitutional defence of them.
56. SPEECH OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.
1. Senators :-In entering upon the duties of the station to which I have been called by the people, deference to you, and justice to myself, require that I should forestal expectations which might otherwise be disappointed. Although for many years heretofore, a member of the senate, I regret that I should not have acquired that knowledge of the particular order of proceedings which might naturally be expected.
2. Unfortunately for me, in respect to my present condition, I ever found those at hand, who had more correctly appreciated this important branch of their duties, and on whose opinions, as to points of order, I could at all times safely rely. This remissness will, doubtless, for a season, cause me no small degree of embarrassment.' So far, however, as unremitting exertions on my part, and a proper respect for the advice of those who are better informed than myself
, can avail, this deficiency will be remedied as speedily as possible; and I feel persuaded that the senate, in the mean time, will extend to me a considerate indulgence.
3. But however wanting I may be for the time, in a thorough knowledge of the technical duties of the chair, I entertain, I humbly hope, a deep and solemn conviction of its high moral obligations. I am well aware, that he who occupies it, is bound to cherish towards the members of the body over which he presides, no other feelings than those of justice and courtesy—to regard them all as standing on an honorable equality--to apply the rules established by themselves, for their own government, with strict impartiality—and to use whatever authority he possesses, in the manner best calculated to protect the rights, to respect the feelings, and to guard the reputations of all who may be affected by its exercise.
4. It is no disparagement to any other branch of the gove ernment to say, that there is none, on which the constitution devolves such extensive powers, as it does. upon the senate. There is scarcely an exercise of constitutional authority, in which it does not mediately or immediately participate; it forms an important, and, in some respects, an indispensable part of each of the three great depariments, executive, legislative and judicial; and is, moreover, the body in which is made effectual that share of power in the federal organization, so wisely allowed to the respective state sovereignties.
5. Invested with such august powers, so judiciously restricted, and so largely adapted to the purposes of good government, it is no wonder that the senate is regarded by the people of the United States, as one of the best features, in what they, at least, consider' to be the wisest, the freest, and happiest
political system in the world. In fervent wishes that it may long continue to be so regarded, and in the conviction of the importance of order, propriety, and regularity in its proceedings, we must all concur.
6. It shall be an object of my highest ambition, senators, to join with you, as far as in me lies, in effecting those desirable objects; and in endeavoring to realize the expectations formed of this body, at the adoption of the constitution, and ever since confidently cherished, that it would exercise the most efficient influence in upholding the federal system, and in perpetuating what is at once the foundation, and the safe guard of our country's welfare—the union of the states.
On the 10th of December, 1833, Mr. Van Buren, who was then vice president of the United States, after being conducted to the chair of the senate, by the president, pro tem., delivered the above address. His manner of speaking is pleasant, happy, and impressive. In person, he is neither above nor below the middle height; his figure is graceful, his countenance is animated, and indicative of unusual intelligence. The phrase with which he concludes his eloquent speech, “the union of the states," is expressive of a sentiment which is truly patriotic. The affections of the American citizen, "should know no East, no West, no North, no South, they should all be comprehended in one, and called our country.”
57. EXTRACT FROM GENERAL JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION.
1. Fellow citizens:-Contemplate the condition of that coun. try of which you still form an important part! Consider its government, uniting in one bond of common interest and gen. eral protection, so many different states, giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of AMERICAN CITIZENS, protecting their commerce, securing their literature and their arts
, facilitating their intercommunication, defending their frontiers, and making their name respected in the remotest parts of the earth.
2. Consider the extent of its territory, its increasing and happy population, its advance in arts which render life agree. able, and the sciences which elevate the mind! See educa. tion spreading the light of religion, humanity, and general information, into every cottage in this wide extent of our terri
tories and states! Behold it as the asylum, where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support!
3. Look on this picture of happiness and honor, and say— WE, too, are CITIZENS OF AMERICA! Carolina' is one of these proud states. Her arms have defended, her best blood has cemented, this happy union! And then add, if you can without horror and remorse, This happy union we will dissolve this picture of peace and prosperity, we will defacethis free intercourse, we will interrupt—these fertile fields, we will deluge with blood—the protection of that glorious flag, we renounce the very name of Americans, we discard!
4. There is yet time to show, that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the Rutledges, and of the thousand other names which adorn the pages on your revolutionary history, will not abandon that union, to support which, so many of them fought, and bled, and died.
5. I adjure you, as you honor their memory—as you love the cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives--as you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps.
6. Snatch from the archives of your state, the disorganizing edict of its convention—bid its members to re-assemble and promulgate the decided expressions of your will,—to remain in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honor,-tell them that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an accumulation of all,—declare that you will never take the field, unless the star-spangled banner of your country shall float over you,that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the constitution of your country !its destroyers you cannot be. 7. Fellow citizens, the momentous case is before you.
On your undivided support of the government, depends the decision of the great question it involves, whether our sacred union will be preserved, and the blessings it secures to us as one people, shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that the unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will be such as to inspire new confidence in republican institutions; and that the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage, which it will bring to their defence, will transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children.