that there is a Prince at the head of a powerful army, who may give a turn to the war, in which we are engaged, if he thinks fit to fide with either party. I cannot prefume to guess how far our minifters may be informed of his defigns: but unless they have very ftrong affurances of his falling in with the grand alliance, or not oppofing it, they cannot be too circumfpect and speedy in taking their precautions against any contrary refolution. We fhall be unpardonable, if after fuch an expence of blood and treasure, we leave it in the power of any fingle Prince to command a pcace, and make us accept what conditions he thinks fit. It is certain, according to the pofture of our affairs in the laft campaign, this Prince could have turn'd the balance on either fide; but it is to be hoped the liberties of Europe will not depend any more on the determination of one man's will. I do not fpeak this because I think there is any appearance of that Prince's uniting himself to France. On the contrary, as he hath an extraordinary zeal for the reformed religion, and great fentiments of honour, I think it is not improbable we should draw him over to the confederacy, if we prefs him to it by proper motives. His love for religion, and his fenfe of glory, will both have their effect on a Prince who hath already diftinguished himself by being a patron of proteftants, and guarantee of the Weftphalian treaty. And if his intereft hath any part in his actions, the allies may make him greater offers than the French King can do in the prefent conjun&ture. There are larger extents of dominion in the forfeited principalities of the Empire; doubtful fucceffions, to which the King of Sweden feems

to

to have very just pretenfions; and at the fame time a great title not yet difpofed of, and a feat of war on the Mofelle, where none of our generals have fignalized themselves. It would be prefumption to be particular in any propofals on fuch an occafion; it is enough to have fhewn in general, that there are fair opportunities, of which the wifdom of the confederates may make use.

Common fenfe will direct us, when we fee fo warlike a prince at the head of fo great an army hovering on the borders of our confederates, either to obtain his friendship, or fecure ourselves against the force of his arms. We are fure, whatever numbers of troops we raife, we fhall have no hands but what will turn to account. Nay, we are certain, that extraordinary funds and augmentations for one or two campaigns may fpare us the expence of many years, and put an end to taxes and levies for a whole age; whereas a long parfimonious war will drain us of more men and money, and in the end may prove ineffectual.

There is ftill a great popular objection, which will be made to every thing that can be urged on this fubject. And indeed it is fuch a one as falls fo much in with the prejudices and little paffions of the multitude, that when it is turned and fet off to advantage by ill-defigning men, it throws a damp on the public fpirit of the nation, and gives a check to all generous refolutions for its honour and fafety. In fhort, we are to be told, that England contributes much more than any other of the Allies, and that therefore it is not reasonable she fhould make any addition to her prefent efforts. If this were true in fact, I do not fee any tolerable colour for fuch a conclufion. Suppofing among a VOL. III.

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multitude embarked in the fame veffel, there are feveral that in the fury of a tempeft will rather perifh than work for their prefervation; would it not be madness in the reft to ftand idle, and rather choose to fink together than do more than comes to their fhare?. Since we are engaged in a work fo abfolutely neceffary for our welfare, the remifsnefs of our Allies fhould be an argument for us to redouble our endeavours rather than flacken them. If we must govern ourfelves by example, let us rather imitate the vigilance and activity of the common enemy, than the fupineness and negligence of our friends.

We have indeed a much greater fhare in the war than any other part of the confederacy. The French King makes at us directly, keeps a King by him to fet over us, and hath very lately augmented the falary of his court, to let us fee how much he hath that defign at his heart. Few of the nations in war with him, fhould they ever fall into his hands, would lofe their religion or form of government, or interfere at prefent with him in matters of commerce. The Dutch, who are likely to be the greatest lofers after the Britons, have but little trade to the Levant in comparison with ours, have no confiderable plantations or commerce in the West-Indies, or any woolen-manufactures for Spain; not to mention the ftrong barrier they have already purchased between France and their own country.

But after all, every nation in the the confederacy makes the fame complaint, and fancies itself the greateft fufferer by the war. Indeed in fo common a preffure, let the weight be never fo equally distributed, every one will be moft fenfible

of

of that part which lies on his own fhoulders. We furnish, without difpute, more than any other branch of the Alliance but the queftion is, whether others do not exert themfelves in proportion according to their respective strength. The Emperor, the King of Pruffia, the Elector of Hanover, as well as the States of Holland and the Duke of Savoy, feem at leaft to come up to us. The greatest powers in Germany are borrowing money where they can get it, in order to maintain their ftated Quota's, and go thorough their part of the expence: and if any of the Circles have been negligent, they have paid for it much more in their late contributions, than what would have furnished out their fhares in the common charges of the war.

There are others who will object the poverty of the nation, and the difficulties it would find in furnishing greater fupplies to the war than it doth at present. To this we might anfwer, that if the nation were really as poor as this objection makes it, it should be an argument for enforcing rather than diminishing our prefent efforts against France. The finking our taxes for a few years would be only a temporary relief, and in a little time occafion far greater impofitions, than those which are now laid upon us. Whereas the seasonable expence of part of our riches, will not only preferve the reft; but by the right ufe of them procure vaft additions to our prefent ftock. It may be neceffary for a perfon languifhing under an ill habit of body to lose several ounces of blood, notwithstanding it will weaken him for a time, in order to put a new ferment into the remaining mafs, and draw it into fresh supplies.

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But

But we can by no means make this conceffion, to, thofe who fo induftrioufly publifh the nation's poverty. Our country is not only rich, but abounds, in wealth much more than any other of the fame extent in Europe. France, notwithstanding the goodnefs of its climate, the fertility of its foil, the multitude of its inhabitants, its convenient harbours, both for the Ocean and Mediterranean, and its prefent correfpondence with the Weft-Indies, is not to compare with Great Britain in this particular. I fhall tranfcribe word for word the paffage of a late celebrated French Author, which will lay this matter in its full light; and leave the Reader to make the counterpart of the parallel between the two nations.

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"According to all the inquiries that I have been "able to make during feveral years, in which I "have applied myself to this fort of remarks, "I have obferved, that about a tenth part of the people of this kingdom are reduced to beggary, and are actual beggars. That among the nine "other parts, five are not in a condition to give alms or relief, to thofe aforementioned, being very near reduced themselves to the fame miferable condition. Of the four other remaining. "parts, three are very uneafy in their circumftances, and embarraffed with debts and law-fuits. "In the tenth part, I reckon the Soldiers, Law"yers, Ecclefiaftics, Merchants and fubftantial

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Citizens, which cannot make up more than a hundred thoufand families. And I believe I "fhould not be mistaken, if I fhould fay, that "there are not above ten thoufand of thefe fami

lies, who are very much at their eafe and if out of these ten thousand we fhould take the 66 men