Pemmaquid, which he found navigable 40 miles up into the country, 7, 8, 9, or 10 fathome deepe, as Capt. Weymouth reports." Prince, at a later date (1732), records of the river that Weymouth entered, "this seems to be Sagadahoc." 2 He adds, that "Sir F. Gorges doubtless mistakes in calling it Pemaquid River." It is not here known from what part of Gorges' "Narration" this was taken. But it is probable that he meant the region, not the river of Pemaquid, a stream of no commercial importance. He says, "Weymouth happened into a river on the coast of America, called Pemaquid." (ch. II). It would seem that by this name he meant the coast; and the river might then be the "great river on this coast. Smith 3 says that Weymouth's "Relation" described "Pemaquid," which surely must denote the "coast."4 Belknap stands alone in saying that the "Penobscot was sometimes called Pemaquid." 5

"5

In England we have the clear and explicit testimony of Strachey. As Secretary under the charge of the Virginia Company, he had access to papers in their possession, and was also in the way of hearing the verbal reports of persons engaged in the discovery; and therefore his record of facts must be regarded as ample evidence touching "the most excellent and beneficyall river of Sagadahoc;” 6 He quotes largely the very language of Rosier; gives to the world the name which Rosier studiously concealed, and adds to his description but little else. In immediate connection with these statements, he describes the colony of Popham as coming directly to the same river, doubtless chosen for occupancy from Weymouth's infor

mation.

1 Hist. N. E., p. 12.

2 Chron. p. 109.

3 3d series Mass. H. C., vol. 6, p. 105.

4 Ante, p. 264, see a similar opinion expressed.

5 Biog., p. 150.

6 In Me. H. C., vol. 5, p. 300, it is asserted that " Sagadahoc" may be applied to any river. But universal Indian and English usage restrict it to the Kennebec when employed as a local name.-Ante, p. 9, note.

For he says: "That upon his (Weymouth's) returne, his goodly report with Capt. Gosnolls cawsed the business with so prosperous and faire starrs to be accompanied," that new enterprises were commenced; in which was actively engaged, under "the letters patents, the tenth of April, 1606,"-"the upright and noble gentleman,1 late Lord Chief Justice of England, chief patron of the same, Sir John Popham, knight."

Among these enterprises were the voyages of Chalons and Prynn, destined to the Sagadahoc, but without success for settlement. Then came the colony of Popham and Gilbert, who sailed for the same river, and settled within it, because, as in the two previous expeditions, it had been recommended by Weymouth. For it would have been strange indeed, that if either the Penobscot or George's had been so eulogized, they should have sailed past both in good weather, and purposely have sought "Satquin " as a landmark, and the neighborhood of Sagadahoc in a storm, into which so strong was the wind, that on the first attempt, only "the fly-boat gott in." But their perseverance effected their intention, and they thus illustrated a chief motive, which Williamson ascribes to the promoters of Weymouth's voyage; namely, the advantages of prior possession and continued claim. 3

The advocates of the other theories fail to allow Strachey a fair hearing. As a competent witness both in opportunity and knowledge, as well as fidelity in narration, his testimony, corroborated by the facts that the first attempts at colonization were directed to the mouth of the Kennebec, is sufficient to gain a verdict in favor of this river.

If the foregoing positions are true as to the geographical relations of Pentecost Harbor to "the islands adjoining to the

1 Smith had the like opinion of the Chief Justice, whom he styles honorable patron of virtue.”—3d Series Mass. H. C., vol. 6, p. 105.

"that

2 Me. H. C., vol. 3, pp. 289, 290. Gorges also laments of him that he "had

lost so noble a friend, and his nation so worthy a subject."-Nar., ch. 9.

3 Williamson, vol. 1, p. 191.

mouth of the 'great river,"" as well as to the discoveries made therein; if maps of the olden time can speak evidence; and if the affirmation of American and English historians, made before any doubt or controversy had arisen on the subject, be of value in determining facts, then is it plain that the Kennebec was "Weymouth River;" Boothbay was Pentecost Harbor; and the course from Monhegan to the outlying islands at its opening, was "in the road directly with the mountains; which, by a line drawn according to this indication, a little north of "Fisherman's Island," in the Damariscove group, are shown to be the White Mountains, and which, on a nearer approach, would have the smaller coast elevations in range, forming the foreground of the landscape. 2

In reading the narrative of Rosier, it is a pleasure to witness the devout spirit of the writer in his frequent recognition of divine Providence in protecting the company of explorers, and the benevolent purpose for which the voyage was made. "For," he writes, "we supposed not a little present profit, but a public good and true zeal of promulgating God's holy church, by

1 Heylin says, "Weymouth Rio." In Ogilby's Map of New England, etc., the word "Rio" is applied to several well-known rivers. This use of a Spanish word implies that the map makers consulted Spanish authorities. Ships of this nation were on the North American coast as early as 1578, and continued afterwards engaged in fishing. It is not improbable that Weymouth's discoveries on the Kennebec were known to them, which might have been learned from Chalons while their prisoner.

2 While these pages were in press, an intelligent gentleman, familiar with coast and ocean voyages, states, "that on two occasions, and early in the summer, he saw the White Mountains distinctly, when about ten miles southwest of Monhegan. On one occasion the mountains were very white, the snow not having entirely melted. On both occasions no land was in sight in the direction of the mountains. They seemed to rise out of the sea." A line, drawn from the point thus indicated, to the White Mountains, shows a distance but little greater than from the supposed point of Weymouth's anchorage north of Monhegan. Another gentleman, of the like experience, once saw them clearly for several hours from the neighborhood of Nantucket, a distance perhaps even greater. The sight might have been aided by a high state of refraction.

planting Christianity, to be the sole interest of the honorable setters forth of this discovery." Weymouth, whose care and activity as a commander is favorably presented, appears to have been actuated by a similar spirit. The fact of his having "service" on ship-board on Saturday evening, at which two Indians, invited to supper, afterwards attended, and “behaved themselves very civilly;" and the strictness of his observance of "the Sabbath day" following, are indications of regularity in the duties of religious worship, such as is known to have been observed by many Arctic navigators, reminding us of Smith's account of "daily common Prayer morning and evening," besides the services "on Sundaies," in Virginia. It is not improbable that a chaplain made a part of the complement of men in the Archangel.

was a

66

"2 to

In opposition, may be placed his capture of five Indians, of whom "Tahánedo sagamore or commander,' carry them to England. Of these only two appear to have been taken against their will. But while this action may not be easy to be justified by present views, it may be said, that he regarded them as natural curiosities, wild men, to be taken as wild animals and shown to his friends at home, and thus advance the interests of the enterprise. They all received kind usage. One was specially "delighted with their company; " and the two, that were at the first surprised, never seemed discontented, "but very tractable, loving and willing by their best means to satisfy us in any thing we demand of them." On their arrival in England, three of them were taken by Gorges, who regarded their coming as most auspicious for the colonizing interests of the country, in which he was the leader, giving to them his time, venturing 3 his estate in their promotion, and suffering great losses. For he says, "This accident (of the Indians coming into his hands) must be 1 Rosier, p. 153.

2 Ante, p. 224, note 2.
3 Narration, chapter 2.

acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations.” And thus this act of Weymouth and his kind treatment of the captives, became one of the connecting links between English civilization and American colonization. Nahanada prepared the way for Popham, who followed the intimations of Weymouth, and placed his colony at the mouth of the Kennebec.

THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND AND EARLY AMERICAN DISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION.

BY REV. WILLIAM STEVENS PERRY, OF PORTLAND.

The deep religious character of the colonists, preceding those of Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay, has been little noticed by historians, and rarely if ever alluded to in the more popular compends whence most of our countrymen gain their acquaintance with the discovery and settlement of our shores.

1 From the great risks and losses sustained by Gorges, he may well be called, as he sometimes has been, an adventurer." But it must be in accordance with the usage of his times; and in the same sense as Hubbard describes the members of the joint stock company, which was formed by the London merchants, "the adventurers," with "those of Leyden," before sailing to Plymouth," the poor people, who were to adventure their persons as well as estates." All persons engaging to go, above sixteen years old, are named "adventurers and planters," as members of this "joint stock and partnership for the space of seven years," when the capital and profits were to be divided. [Hubbard, Appendix to Morton's Memorial, pp. 279, 280.] But "the company of adventurers broke in pieces" in 1625. [Prince Chron.] It was no discredit to the early and constant patron of the discoverers and colonists to our shores to bear that name; nor others to engage the services of men at a price, as did the persevering settlers at Plymouth, when they “hired the master and his company (in one of the ships engaged) to stay a whole year in the country;" and not wasting their toil in a hopeless exploring for mines, which were a common expectation, sought and found their profit in support of the settlement, from the “fishes of the sea." [Morton's Memorial, pp. 20, 29.]