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towards maintaining that ancient alliance, which, with scarcely any interruption, has subsisted for so many years between this country and the Ottoman Porte. During the war which, unhappily for the interests of humanity, has been so long carried on between the Ottoman Porte and the inhabitants of the Greek provinces and islands, the trade of this country to the Levant suffered in common with that of France and other neutral powers-and, I may add, suffered to no inconsiderable extent from piracies directly occasioned by, or collaterally arising out of, the hostilities subsisting between the two countries. It, therefore, became the policy of our government, as well for the protection of our own trade, as to promote the general peace and welfare of Europe, to endeavour to bring this contest to a speedy termination. Accordingly, measures were adopted for the amicable adjustment of the differences which subsisted; and to further this, a treaty was entered into with France and Russia, to which, as it is not yet regularly before your lordships' House, I shall not now more particularly refer. That the salutary object it possesses may be speedily carried into effect, is certainly most desirable, for our own interests, as well as for those of the rest of Europe. But it is no less essential to our national credit, and to the maintenance of that character for honour and good faith, which is the glory of our country, that we should not attempt to enforce it, by unprovokedly drawing our swords upon an ancient and faithful ally. My lords, the object for which our troops were sent to Lisbon has, it appears, been accomplished, and that they are about to return. I, therefore, hope that Portugal, for whose interest and protection we have formerly expended so much blood and treasure, may now, in security and independence, enjoy the benefit of that assistance which Great Britain has, at all times, so liberally afforded. -My lords, with respect to that part of his Majesty's Speech which relates to the increased export of some of our manufactures, and a proportionate improvement in the condition of those classes connected with them, it cannot but be a source of considerable gratification to your lordships; and I trust that his majesty may not be disappointed in his reliance on parliament, to use its utmost endeavours to promote and extend such improvement in those and other classes of his Majesty's subjects.

My lords, I shall not trespass further on your lordships' time or patience, but will conclude by moving an humble Address to his Majesty, in answer to his most gracious Speech, which we have just heard read.— The noble lord then moved an Address, which, as usual, was an echo of the Speech from the Throne [See Commons, p 41.]

Lord Strangford said:- My Lords, in rising to second the motion of the noble lord, that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, thanking him for the Speech which he has been graciously pleased to direct to be delivered from the Throne, I confess I feel peculiar satisfaction; the rather because I believe that the main points urged in that Speech are such as must necessarily convey a feeling of hope and consolation to all his Majesty's subjects. One ground of satisfaction at the tenor of the royal Speech is discoverable in the spirit of peace and amity that pervades it. It contains what may be construed into his Majesty's gracious declaration, and may be understood to convey an expression of the royal resolution, to use every possible exertion to maintain the repose of Europe on the firm foundation, the proud basis, on which the memorable efforts of English valour and conduct had placed it at the battle of Waterloo, and subsequently by means of the treaty of Paris. My Lords, I am rejoiced at the expression of such a sentiment; and connecting his Majesty's resolution with the peaceful assurances which our government continues to receive from the leading powers of Europe, I consider the Speech from the Throne well calculated to allay the anxiety which the present posture of public affairs in the east of Europe might otherwise excite. The maintenance of general tranquillity is an object well deserving the care of his Majesty's ministers, and, if steadily pursued, will confer more splendor, and reflect greater credit, on the national character, than the achievement of the most signal victories. At the same time, the peaceful triumphs to which I have alluded, not only possess the advantage of greater and more lasting renown, but are also more easily attained, than the hazardous, and sometimes ruinous, successes of war. My Lords, it is impossible to advert to a conflict, the occurrence of which we must all deplore, without admitting, that not even the glory connected with the achievement can, for a single instant, diminish the regret which our tri

umph at Navarin must continue to excite been an interruption, I sincerely hope the in the minds of Britons, so long as national two countries will speedily return; and honour and gratitude shall continue to be that measures, the most active and decithe characteristics of Englishmen-or so sive, provided they are consistent with relong as the remembrance of what Turkey cent treaties, may be resorted to, in order has been to us, in the hour of peril, shall to renew a state of things, which every perremain. I feel strongly, my lords, and it son acquainted with the circumstances of may be that I express myself warmly on Turkey must wish to see established. this subject; and 1 ought to do so, for Every principle, my lords, calls upon us well I know the warmth of feeling which, to co-operate in accomplishing this object. in Turkey, prevails towards this country; Bound, as I admit we are, by the treaty of and well do I know, and sincerely do I ad- London, we are equally bound to carry its mire, the strict honour, the downright, un provisions into effect with the least possideviating fidelity, with which she has long ble disturbance to the interest and feelings fulfilled engagements and maintained re- of a government which, in the most trying lations of amity towards us. I will add, times, has enlisted itself in our favour, my lords, that theirs is a fidelity which has and which has been invariably anxious to not proved the weaker, because it happens preserve with us friendly relations. That to rest less upon the faith of treaties and such is his Majesty's intention, I think, written documents, than on the simple my lords, if any evidence were wanting, guarantee of oral promises, entered intothree the Speech from the Throne affords suffihundred years ago, and from that period, cient proof. That such is the intention of handed down, traditionally, from generation the other powers who are parties to the to generation. My lords, I look forward treaty in question, may be inferred from with a confidence considerably strength- circumstances which are, I hope, equally ened by the spirit that pervades bis Ma- satisfactory, and, above all, from the spirit jesty's Speech, to the renewal and continu- and purport of the treaty itself. Those ance of that cordial feeling, which every powers, like ourselves, are at present on friend to both countries must desire to see terms of amity with Turkey_terms of subsisting between Turkey and England. amity which, I trust, no circumstances will ! sincerely hope and trust-notwithstand be permitted to derange. Looking at all ing the most unexpected and untoward these considerations, and confiding, as event, which has recently occurred in the circumstances have given me a right to port of Navarin—that a recurrence to our confide, from personal knowledge and exformer relations of amity and friendly in- perience, in the high honour and unsullied tercourse may not be impracticable. May character of one of the principal parties to I add, that I also hope that an end will be that compact; I think there are little speedily put to those unauthorised and grounds to fear a breach of its provision anomalous hostilities at present carried on I will add, that I am fully convinced that by the romance or cupidity of individual no prospect of political advantage will be adventurers, and which are but too well suffered to pollute or change the object of calculated, if permitted to continue, to a treaty, originating in the most humane embarrass the national councils, while and honourable motives. My lords, as they put in jeopardy the national honour. you well know, I have had the honour to I trust, my lords, the day is not far distant be employed as his Majesty's representawhen we shall again behold—that which I tive at the court of St. Petersburg, and I had the pride and pleasure for many years can affirm, from my own direct and immemyself of beholding the influence of Eng-diate knowledge, that the views and sentiland paramount, I may say omnipotent, ments of his imperial majesty, the emperor at Constantinople. I trust events have of Russia, are decidedly pacific, and are recently taken place to accelerate an oc- directed towards no other object than the currence, of which all true friends of maintenance of tranquillity, and the fulfilTurkey and England must ardently desire ment of the treaty entered into by the to witness the completion. Whatever may courts of St. James's, the Tuileries, and be said of Turkish apathy and indifference, St. Petersburg. Towards the preservation there is one thing to which that people of tranquillity it was my duty to contrihave never been indifferent—a friendly bute, under the command of my gracious connexion with England. To those rela- master, when at the court of St. Peterstions, of which there never should have burg; and I invariably found his imperial

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majesty ready to co-operate with my own which his majesty's late government ha sovereign in the attainment of that desir- had in view was the preservation of peace able end.—There is another topic in the and he made no doubt that those who had royal Speech to which I advert with feel- put the Speech into his majesty's mout! ings of unmingled pleasure-the conduct were actuated at present by similar wishes of England towards Portugal; a country to the substance of the Speech-or hd to which we are bound by every tie of would rather say, to the substantives, o friendship and interest. It is gratifying the Speech—he felt little inclined to ob to see the friendly hand of England ex-ject; but there were epithets, there were tended, and her power again successfully adjectives added to those substantives exerted, in behalf of that nation, and in which conveyed to his mind impressions defence of a country long united to us in which were by no means warranted by bonds of the strictest amity. To England, facts, and to which he could not give his and England alone, is the safety of Portu- consent, even for a moment. The first gal to be ascribed, and on our efforts must was the calling the Ottoman Porte her peace depend. What we have effected ancient ally.” He knew not what meaning will bind her more closely than ever to the two noble lords who had just spoken our interests, and will entail upon her “a annexed to the terms “ antiquity” and debt immense of endless gratitude.” I alliance.” They must have other noshall trespass no further on your lordships' tions of " alliance” than he had ; they attention, than to express my sincere hope, must apply the term “ancient” in a sense that no difference of opinion upon matters which he could never allow it to have, which, at present, must necessarily be un- when applied to transactions between naaccompanied with explanation, will be tion and nation, when they presumed to permitted to disturb that unanimity which say that Turkey was the "ancient ally" is so desirable on the present occasion. of Great Britain. If he understood any

Lord Holland next rose. He began by thing of the meaning of words, the only assuring their lordships, that he had no in- alliance of Great Britain with Turkey was tention when heentered the House that'even- very short-lived in its duration, and very ing, to trouble their lordships with any ob- recent in its history; for he did not supservations on the Speech which had been pose that the noble lords would condelivered to them from the Throne-or to tend, that the existence of peace or comsay one word which might interrupt the mercial treaties between the two countries unanimity of their lordships on the present constituted alliance between them. The occasion. Many reasons, with which it address of that evening proved the conwas unnecessary to trouble their lordships, trary. In that address were mentioned some of a private and personal nature, treaties of amity and commerce concluded and some of a public and general charac- with a new republic of Mexico ? Was it ter, made him wish not to enter into de- meant thereby that that republic, which bate for any unnecessary purpose. He was at war with Spain, was to be conhad expected, that the address which sidered henceforward as an ally of Great would be proposed that night in reply to Britain ? He knew not what the precise his majesty's Speech would be one which meaning of the term “ally” was in diplowould not cause any great difference of matic language, but he conceived that, in opinion. He had been willing to over- common parlance, it meant a party who look its faults of omission, many and griev- had a common interest in the existence ous as they were: and he had been willing, and prosperity of another party. Now, moreover, to overlook any inconsiderate with respect to Turkey, it was not true to expressions, with which he might not be say, that she was the ancient ally of Great inclined to agree : and he would even Britain, in this sense of the word. The now say, that with the general substance alliance between the two countries had not of the Speech he for one, was pretty existed at any time for more than seven well satisfied. He fully agreed with the years. “I can say, unfortunately for mynoble lord, that the expressions which his self,” continued his lordship, “that I am majesty had used upon one great point- rather an old man in this House. I am he meant his desire for peace-were such long known to most of your lordships." i as became the Throne, and ought to be trust, however, that I am

tot yet becomie expected from it; and he felt as strongly a piece of antiquity among you; and yet as the Speech itself, that the great objeet | I recollect the first treaty of alliance that

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was ever formed by this country with Turkey. It was thought extraordinary at the time, that one of the stipulations of that treaty should be, that it should only last seven years; and yet it may appear more extraordinary to your lordships to learn, that before those seven years had expired, every article in that treaty had been violated over and over again by Turkey. Our ancient ally! I should like to know what was the nature of the alliance. The noble lord who spoke last admits that the alliance is not recognized by ancient treaty, but that it depends upon oral traditions, which had been handed down by one Turkish minister to another for the last three hundred years. We have heard, in various publications, of the antiquity of our commercial relations with Turkey; I am therefore anxious to say a word or two upon that part of the subject. I believe that they commenced in the reign of James 1st; that they were formally recognized by the Porte to the time of Charles 2nd and William 3rd; and that they were at last brought into the shape of a treaty by an individual to whose exertions his country is highly indebted I mean my honourable friend Mr. Adair. To go through the whole of the negative proof which I could produce to convince your lordships that Turkey is not the ancient ally of England would be tedious. I shall content myself with observing, that the anti-social race which now enjoys the empite of the Constantines, considers itself naturally at war with every nation with which it has not entered into a formal treaty of peace. I do not deny that it has entered into a treaty of peace with us; but, can a treaty of peace be fairly considered as a treaty of alliance? The first treaty made between this country and Turkey, I have no doubt, was considered by the Turks, as an act of grace and concession, yielded by them, in the plenitude of their power to those dogs of christians, the Nazarene nations. The privileges which were granted to our commerce, were obtained from the Porte about 1699, by lord Winchilsea and sir John Finch, and other able members of that family. But how, I would ask, were they granted? Were the names of lord Winchilsea or sir John Finch subscribed to any treaty which secured them? No such thing. The privileges were granted as we would throw a bone to a dog: they were given, too, for very special reasons. And what do

your lordships suppose those reasons were? The first was, because the messages which Charles the 2nd had sent to the Sultan were of an agreeable nature; the second because Charles 2nd was considered to be a very powerful monarch among the Nazarene nations; and the last and most ludicrous was, because the Sultan had heard that Charles was the arbiter of the differences among them. For those reasons the Sultan granted to our countrymen what was called, by a sort of diplomatic euphonism, certain capitulations, but what I believe to have been called, in the Turkish language, boons or concessions. Those concessions or capitulations— call them by which name you please were merely commercial; they gave to the subjects of Great Britain the same immunities which had been granted, onthe same terms, to the subjects of France. We had, however, no political relations with Turkey, in any sense of the word, until the year 1699. In 1692, we offered our services to mediate between the emperor of Germany and the Turkish power who were then at war; and we did so, in order to leave our ancient ally, the house of Austria,-for Austria was our ancient ally, and Russia, too, was our ancient ally, in a situation to direct her arms, along with us, against the then colossal power of France. And what was the result of that negotiation? We were accused, by French writers, I shall not stop to examine whether rightly or wrongly, of having exercised our mediation with gross partiality, and with having inflicted by it a severe injury on the Ottoman power. One of the articles in the treaty, into which the Turks entered under our mediations, was to this effect, that they should surrender the whole of the Morea and of Greece, into the hands of the Venetians. So that the result of our first political negotiation with Turkey was, to wrest Greece from its dominion; though, unfortunately, not for ever.-In the year 1718, we again entered into a political negotiation with Turkey; but under circumstances which, I contend, still preclude us from denominating her our "ancient ally." It is right, however, to state that, by that treaty, we recognized Turkey as the sovereign of Greece, which a fatal war had enabled her to recover from the Venetians. There were some circumstances, which occurred about that time, which are so very remarkable, that, if your lordships should not consider them quite irrelevant

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to the matter in debate, I must be permitted Mediterranean. When sir George Byng to mention. In the year 1718, the arrived off Cape St. Vincent, he sent his governments of England and France were, ' secretary to Madrid, to communicate to as now, by the course of events, closely the king of Spain, to his prime minister allied together. A dispute arose between the cardinal Alberoni, and io the Spanish the emperor of Germany and the king of government generally, first of all the Spain, in which they both refused to take ; amount of his force, and its arrival in any share. On the contrary, they con- those parts; and next, the exact nature of cluded with each other a treaty, of which his instructions. He likewise insisted that the object was, to obtain the general paci- the Spanish governinent should give him fication of Europe, upon terms to which

in eight and forty hours. they thought it reasonable that both the Cardinal Alberoni, who was then strenuemperor of Germany and the king of Spain ously exerting himself to restore the vigour should agree. With this view they agreed of a dispirited nation, at first took a high with each other, to propose an armistice tone, and told him, that his master was to the two parties, until the question be determined to run all risks, rather than tween them should be settled by the media- recal his armaments, or consent to a sustion of the great powers of Europe ; and pension of arms. The cardinal, however,

; they determined to compel by force, if subsequently laid lord Torrington's letter need were, the party who refused such before the king of Spain, and contrived to armistice to accede to it. One of the dis- lengthen the negotiation from two to nine putants, Germany, acquiesced at once in days. In the mean time, the Spanish the proposals of the mediating parties. troops landed in Sicily. Lord Torrington Spain, however, dissented. She refused on his arrival at Messina, found, to his to comply with the conditions proposed to great vexation, as sir Edward Codrington her, and went on equipping fleets, raising found when he arrived off Greece, that the armies, and executing all those projects land forces of the king of Spain had which the allied governments of Great arrived at their destination, and that their Britain and France so much disapproved. naval force was anchored close by. What Both of them bestirred themselves to did he do? He immediately sent his own dissuade the King of Spain from the captain with a polite message to the course which he was pursuing. The British Spanish general the marquis de LedeSecretary of State for Foreign Affairs of as sir Edward Codrington sent his captain that day, lord Stanhope, travelled in to Ibrahim Pacha,-proposing a cessation person to Madrid ; pointed out to the of arms for two months in Sicily, in order Spanish government the consequences of that the powers of Europe might have

absurd scheme of conquest which it time to concert measures for restoring a was meditating upon the emperor's domi- lasting peace. He told him that the

. nions in Italy; stated the mischief which English and French governments were would result to humanity from the devasta- allied together to establish a general pacition of that beautiful country; and said, fication. He therefore proposed to the that it was the intention of England to Spanish general, either to agree to an send a powerful squadron into the Mediter- armistice for two months, or to withdraw ranean, to prevent the landing of Spanish his troops altogether from Sicily, in which troops in

any part of Italy. This did not case he would undertake to convey them do. A powerful squadron was subsequently in safety to Spain. The Spanish general's sent out by the British government, and answer to this proposition was, that he was the command of it was intrusted to as an officer, not an ambassador,—that he great and distinguished an officer as the had authority to fight, but no powers to British navy ever possessed; he meant sir treat,—that he was aware of the great George Byng, afterwards lord Torrington. power of England and France united; but And not the least part of that gallant that he should obey the orders which he officer's glory was, that upon that occasion had received, and which directed him to hc had dared to do that which sir Edward reduce Sicily for his master the king of Codrington had recently done at Navarino; Spain. The Spanish fleet had sailed from namely, to consider his orders as authoriz- the harbour of Messina on the day before ing him to carry into execution, by the the English fleet appeared there; but in force of the British navy, the great object consequence of an accident, it was subsefor which he had been sent into the l quently descried on the coast of Calabria.

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