had been obliged to bring it forward in were to be founded on a principle of duty the hope that prejudices would in time be and not of prohibition. For his part, he removed. But how did this agree with could not see the value of that theory, if the the statement of the right hon. gentleman, duty amounted in effect to a prohibition. and with the speech of the right hon. It was changing names without changing Secretary, who had just sat down, that this the relative situation of the country. One was to be a permanent measure? Was hon. member had said, that the agricultural it possible to believe that the manufac- interest imperiously demanded such a proturing and commercial interests would tection as the present measure would endure such a monopoly as this bill would afford them. Now, he should be glad to confer upon the agricultural class ? The know what right the agricultural interest government was not regulating its mea- had to demand any particular rate of duty. sures on this subject on the same principles The commercial and manufacturing interby which the trade in other articles was ests had as much right, he conceived, to regulated. If the right hon. gentleman demand as fair and just a rate. It was claimed credit for justice and equity, and the duty of the House to look equally to for acting upon principle, he should show all the relative interests, and not to suffer that the importation of corn was to be itself to be dictated to by one, to the preregulated by the same principles as that of judice of the other. But such was the other commodities. There were two ways situation in which the government was in which duties were ordinarily regulated. now placed. The right bon. gentleman They were either imposed as permanent would not have proposed this measure of duties, or ad valorem duties. This was his own accord, but the influence of the neither the one nor the other, and its landed interest was necessary to be coneffect would be to render the means of sidered. The cabinet was now taking subsistence unattainable to the poor. the part of the agricultural against the The right hon. gentleman had said, that it manufacturing and commercial interests. was impossible for this country to do with. It was impossible that the country should out the importation of corn. This was as remain quiet under the operation of such large an admission as he could wish from partial and unconstitutional principles. It the right hon. gentleman. It went so far was said that, with a debt of 800,000,0001. as to concede, that if land could be better it was impossible for us to have cheap corn. employed in the production of milk, But was it not a gross inconsistency that butter, or other articles, the right hon. the public, who were so heavily taxed to gentleman would be content to look to pay the interest of this debt, should also other countries for a supply of corn. But be taxed in the high price of corn? If the right hon. gentleman did not seem to the agricultural interests paid more in the recollect that, in proportion as he raised shape of poor-rates, tithes, and for the the price of provisions, he cramped the support of the clergy, than the other manufacturing and all the other interests, classes, let them make their charge and and even, by a natural re-action, the prove their account. He should be wilagricultural interest itself. The hon. ling not only to allow it, but also to conmember for Wiltshire had said that, in sent that ample provision should be made proportion as we imported a million for their protection. The increased value quarters of foreign corn, labourers would of the currency, owing to the disappearbe thrown out of employment. Now, he ance of the small notes, had not been did not believe that this would be the taken into account, on the present occaresult. . He believed it would be quite the sion. It should have been considered, in reverse. Labourers would be employed in reference to this measure, that what was manufacturing and other pursuits, to pay last year calculated at 60s. would now for that importation. He contended that amount to 63s. or 64s., in point of the tax the true interests of the country required upon the country. He considered that that we should admit as much corn as we the importation of corn should be placed could to feed the people, and improve the upon the same footing as that of other arcondition of the country, by giving em-ticles. The present system would only ployment and wages to those whom the produce dissatisfaction, and the House monopoly of the agricultural interest would be perpetually called on for alterawould deprive of the opportunity of in- tions of it. As the right hon. gentleman dustry. It was said, that these measures had said that this was the time for gen

tlemen to state any proposition which they to Ireland, and have a strong tendency to might have to submit, he would beg to restore peace and happiness to that counmake known the notions which he enter- try. tained on the subject. He was of opinion Sir F. Burdett said, he was prepared to that a rate of duty should be fixed, which maintain that a free trade in corn would he would at present consent should ex- be found most advantageous to the agriceed any thing that the agricultural in- cultural interest as well as to all the other terests had a right to demand, and which great interests of the country. After havshould gradually decrease, until it reached ing listened attentively to the speeches of a certain standard, at which it should be the Secretary for the Colonies, the Presipermanent and immutable. He should dent of the Board of Trade, and the Sebe prepared to prove that the agricultural cretary for the Home Department, he was classes had no right to a greater protec- persuaded that they were strongly inclined tion than eight or ten shillings a quarter; to take the same view of the question that but he would consent to its being fixed, he did, though they, in their discretion, for the first year at fifteen shillings, which did not feel justified in avowing their opishould be diminished by one shilling a nions altogether so openly as he did, who quarter until it descended to ten shillings, was unconnected with office, and free from and there it should be fixed. He would responsibility. He would not trouble the propose that barley should be imported for House further on this point at the prethe present year at a duty of nine shillings, sent moment; but he wished it to be unand should decrease by one shilling at a derstood, that he would bring the question time, until it was settled at seven shillings, substantively under the consideration of The same principle he would apply to oats, parliament before the close of the session. and other species of corn. He was aware It, however, appeared to him that most that even improvements, if too suddenly persons mistook the real nature of the introduced, might be turned into injuries, question which they were called upon to and he therefore proposed this gradual re- consider. It was not so much a question duction to avoid the ill effects of too sud- of corn as of currency; and it was imden a change of system.

possible to talk about the price that things Colonel Wood maintained, that the in- would bear, unless persons were prepared terest of the agriculturists and manufac- to look at the state of the currency, which turers were closely identified, and could was the measure of that price. He was not be severed, without detriment to one satisfied that the distress of the country or the other. He therefore disapproved was in a great measure, fictitious. He of the attempt which was too often made saw, that in the midst of substantial wealth, in that House to set them in opposition of improvements of every description, the with each other. As to the hon. member agricultural, manufacturing, mercantile, for Aberdeen's system of fixed duties, it trading, and shipping interests, were never could be acted on, because, in years equally distressed, -were all affected by of scarcity, duties would be, as they had one and the same cause. There could not always been, set aside to meet the wants be a more mischievous mistake than holdof the country. He was of opinion, that ing out to the people at large, that difthe scale proposed on the present occa- ferent ranks of society, different profession was a considerable improvement on sions and callings, had, in fact, a divided that of last year. Such being his view, he interest. That was not the case, and nowould declare his intention of giving the thing could be so false as to imagine that bill founded on these resolutions his sup- the manufacturing interest could nourish port. He apprehended little danger from if the agricultural interest were depressed. any attempt to excite popular feeling with What was the manufacturing interest but respect to this question. The lower the surplus produce of the agricultural inclasses were beginning to find out that they terest worked up into various shapes ? All were not so materially interested in the other interests grew out of the agricultuquestion of cheap bread as it was wished ral interest, and all flourished and prosto make them believe they were. They pered together. The expenditure, the were now pretty generally convinced that great debt of the country, had been framed low bread brought low wages.

on a high-price system. The country Colonel Trench was of opinion, that could only be raised to the state of prosthese resolutions would be very beneficial perity from which it had fallen, by a deVOL, XVIII.

2 2

parture from what he conceived to be a mistake in legislation. Cheap bread, as it was called, was no advantage to the poor; who always received wages in proportion to the price of corn. If the currency were still to be contracted, he was satisfied the result of that measure would be to throw the country into the same degree of distress from which it had a little recovered. There never would be permament prosperity until the country was placed in the situation in which it stood before the distress was felt, and in which persons would be enabled to pay the taxes which pressed upon them.

Mr. Baring said, that the bill made a complete alteration in the mode of taking the poll, and was an unnecessary piece of legislation. Instead of facilitating the taking of polls, it would complicate the matter, and throw a degree of power and influence into the hands of the returning officer, who was generally a party man, which it was highly injudicious that he should possess. The erection of separate and additional places for polling would be of no benefit; for the delay at present was occasioned, not by the undisputed, but by the disputed votes. The proposed examinations upon oath, especially of the Mr. Ward declared his approbation of voters as to their qualification, was a usethe bonding system, which had been ob- less novelty. The hon. colonel had jected to by an hon. member. That sys- framed a measure very applicable, perhaps, tem had received the support of Pitt, Fox, for Worcester, but totally unfit for most and Liverpool. The whole question was, other boroughs in the kingdom. The bill whether goods should be warehoused on would increase the intricacy and uncerthis or on the other side of the water. If tainty of elections, while it offered no they were warehoused abroad, they might, adequate advantage for the many disadin case of war, be made available to the vantages it introduced into the system. As purposes of the enemy. It was estimated an amendment he would move, that the that the goods warehoused in France last report be taken into further consideration war would have required one hundred on that day six months. thousand tons of shipping, and six thousand or seven thousand seamen to transport them to this country. This, it should be observed, might happen at the moment when the government was called upon to use the utmost exertions to 'man the navy, and when insurances would be high. He hoped the agriculturists would not be able to defeat the present measure, as they had done that of last year.

Mr. Monck agreed with the hon. member for Westminster, that the greater share of the difficulties the committee had to contend with arose out of the last enactments relative to the currency. He also thought with him, that if it were not for the national debt and the burthens it entailed on the public, it would be of comparatively little consequence whether a certain quantity of wheat were one shilling or ten shillings in price. The question was altogether one of price; and the state of the currency must determine the point

at issue.

The resolution was agreed to, and the chairman reported progress.

CITIES AND BOROUGHS POLLS REGULATION BILL.] Colonel Davies moved the further consideration of the Report of *this bill,

Mr. Robinson put it to his hon. colleague, if the bill were to pass the House as it now stood, what security, since the voters were obliged to go to a particular place to poll, was there given that the returning officers would not exercise their influence to induce the electors to give their votes to the candidate favoured by the returning officer? In his opinion, great evils must flow from the measure, if carried into effect. Besides, he saw no reason for the candidates being put to the additional expense which this measure must entail on them, in the erecting of hustings. He did not see what use there possibly could be in the adjournment of the poll for forty-eight hours after the opening of the election. This would be giving a convenient time for the exercise of bribery on the part of those who would be inclined to exert it. With respect, however, to the present system, he did not mean to say that it was free from objections; but he thought it better than the measure proposed, than which nothing could be more obnoxious to his constituents.

Mr. W. Smith thought, that a postponement until after the holidays might be advisable, but could not consent to any amendment, the effect of which would be to defeat the bill. The subject was one

of great importance, and he wondered last forty years, but by the alteration he how any hon. member, who had witness- would be enabled to hold the poll where ed the nuisance of a borough election, he pleased. He also objected to limiting could urge that it was a matter not the number of days for taking the poll. important enough for legislation. He Mr. Alderman Waithman approved of had stood eight contested elections in the principle of the measure ; but as, in its his time; three where the voters amount- present shape, he could not agree to it, he ed to eight hundred ; and five at Norwich, hoped it would be revised.

He thought where the electors were between three and that every place ought to bear, the exfour thousand. In the latter city the penses of the elections that were bad in it; polling never occupied more than one day and recommended that the system which and a quarter; and any candidate who had been found for fifty years, to work well should propose to keep the poll open for in the city of London, should be taken as four days, would stand no chance of suc- the model for elections generally. cess. Two large booths were erected, Mr. Fyshe Palmer bore testimony to each with eight polling places, and the the corrupt conduct of returning officers, returning officer, with his assessor at bis who often canvassed, and resorted to still elbow, decided upon disputed votes with more iniquitous practices, to ensure the out interrupting the poll. He did not return of their favourite candidate. If he mean to say that the bill upon the table thought that the object of the measure was as complete as it could be rendered ; was to increase the influence of those but he would venture to say, that in six officers, he would oppose it; but, as he days the strongest contest might be dis- believed it would have the effect of checkposed of. To effect this object, hon. ing their unfair practices, he should give members must dare to run a little counter it his support, provided it received in the to the wishes of corrupt voters, for to them committee some of those alterations which only was the protraction of an election of he thought necessary. He was particuadvantage. Such a limit would contribute larly desirous to see some measure carried to the benefit of the city or borough, to into effect which would prevent the misthe profit of the candidates, and to the chievous protraction of clections. To purity of the electors. In his opinion, instance une borough in which that pracfifteen days for polling were

tice was carried to a most injurious extent. needed than fifteen years, if the matter In Reading, at the last election, 86 elecwere properly regulated.

tors were polled on the first day; on the Lord Lowther said, he did not oppose second, 354 ; on the third, 374 ; on the the bill because it increased the number fourth, 752; on the fifth, 37; on the of polling booths, but because it intro- | sixth, 15; on the seventh, 16; and on the duced fresh confusion into a subject al- eighth, 12. Now, it was quite clear, that ready sufficiently involved. Whenever if so large a proportion could be polled in this question had been discussed the ex- the three first days, the same period would ample of Norwich had been adduced ; be enough to poll all the electors ; and if but he saw nothing in the bill which there were three polling places, then one would liken elections in other places to day, or at the most two, would be enough. elections in that city. The reason why There could be no doubt that the election elections at Norwich lasted so short a time to which he alluded might have been was, that no objection was ever taken to finished much earlier than it was; but the the votes of paupers, who were allowed to returning officer on being urged to do so, come up to the poll by hundreds. In said he would not do any thing to hazard borough elections, disputes regarding such the return of Mr. Monck, before the day voters were the chief cause of delay. They fixed for closing the poll. He did not were admitted at Norwich and rejected at approve of that part of the bill which gave Worcester, and hence the reason why, at the returning officers the power of keeping one place the election lasted a day and a the poll open for forty-eight hours, bequarter, and at the other it occupied cause that gave them an opportunity of fifteen days. The principal objection he canvassing for their friends ; but so much felt to the measure was, the wide discre- as tended to shorten the duration of polls tion it gave to returning officers. The he held to be not only expedient, but duty of the officer was, now, to hold the absolutely necessary to ensure the purity poll where it had been usually held for the of election.

no more

The Attorney-general said, that the ruption. As to out-voters, there was no bill, however shaped, could not meet with doubt that, according to the present syshis support. The measure might be cal- tem, fourteen days would not be sufficient; culated for Worcester, but he was certain but it was the duty of electors to attend, it would not do in other boroughs differ- if they thought their franchise was of ently situated. He thought six days were value. It was also known that, however not enough for large boroughs, where the long an election might last, there was a number of voters might exceed six or eight class of voters who would hold back as thousand. There would be great difficulty long as they could, in order to see how in fixing a period of time to suit all cases things were going; and who would say, and all boroughs, however differently they “ if we vote at once nobody will be obinight be situated as to extent and popu- liged' to us.” The out-voters, too, had no lation. Another important objection to objection to the jollity of an election, and the bill was, the encouragement it held | living at other people's expense for a conout for collusion between the two candi- siderable time to prevent all which, he dates. His objections were not to any thought the bill an excellent remedy. one or more clauses in the bill, but arose The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, from a full persuasion of the injury likely that if he was called upon to give his vote, to arise from it generally, in addition to it would be for the amendment of the hon. its being a serious infringement on the gentleman. It was desirable, indeed, that privileges of the whole constituent body. the poll should be shortened, so that elec

Mr. Wynn was of opinion that the sub- tors in general were not aggrieved. The ject was peculiarly entitled to the con- period should be fixed, with reference to sideration of the House. The period now the number of voters at each place. In occupied in taking the polls was unques- Westminster, for instance, where the numtionably too long. Before the year 1784, ber of voters was twenty thousand, six when the period for elections was un- days, which would suffice for other places, limited, they occupied only two or three would be utterly insufficient. When he days, with the exception of Westminster. saw the bill giving additional power to It had been found, both in London and that already possessed by the returning Norwich, that a short time was sufficient officers, he must withhold his vote from to poll all the electors; and thus it was it. He objected also to that part of the proved that the difficulty of polling a great bill which related to separate polling number of voters, on which so much stress booths. This might be convenient in had been laid, might be easily got over. some respects ; but it was a custom conHe was not disposed to look so much to sonant with the principles of the constituthe convenience of out-voters, as

tion for the candidate to be present at members did. If they chose to exercise the place of election, that he might, if their elective franchise, they had the op- necessary, be questioned by the voters; portunity of doing so. He considered the and he thought this was an advantage proposed regulation of the magistrates at which ought not to be given up for other, Quarter Sessions having the power, under perhaps fallacious, advantages. With certain restrictions, of fixing upon a suit- respect to the duration of polls, there were able place where the election should be modes and devices, under the present bill, held, would remove many inconveniences by which the voting might be retarded. which now existed, particularly in small He was, however, not disposed to object town-halls, where it had been contrived to lessening the duration of polls in that one body of electors should resist the general. other ini ascending the staircase to give Mr. Baring observed, that so many their votes. He alluded to Weymouth gentlemen were of opinion that the bill on a recent occasion, as affording an in- might be improved by further considerastance arising from this evil. As regarded tion, that he should recommend the hon. collusion between the candidates, he con- member to withdraw it. tended that such collusion was as easy to Mr. Sugden objected to the bill. If it be discovered on the second or third day, had passed before the last election for as on the sixth. He considered the latter Weymouth, he should not have been there part of the bill most useful, and could to offer his opposition to it. It was pernot conceive how it could be considered fectly certain that force was used on that as holding out an encouragement to cor- occasion; and, according to this bill, it