ness. question is replete with difficulties. I be-of opinion on this point, previous to the lieve it must be admitted, that all writers question being settled. Certainly any colon the subject have laid down non-inter- lected expression of opinion, and possibly ference as the general rule; and, in a even an individual opinion, might, at the question so important as the present, we present epoch, incur the chance of dismust look in every direction ; not that I turbing that tranquillity, the restoration of mean to say that there are to be no excep- which every one must be desirous to wittions to this general rule, but they must I do not intend to trouble the be confined to cases so special and pecu- House with minute remarks on all the liar, that, on the face of them, the pecu- topics which are touched upon in the liarity must be discernible. If, then, when Speech from the Throne ; but there is one only one single nation is concerned in the to which I must allude for a minute before interference, the matter requires such I sit down—I mean that part of the caution, it must be doubly so, when the Speech which alludes to the internal situaaffair is undertaken by a confederacy; for, tion of this country, and the measures however single-hearted any one of the which are contemplated for its amelioranations may be in its purpose, it cannot tion. I do not mean to enter into the answer for the designs of the others ; consideration of the causes of our comneither can it be sure, that the same mercial depression, nor into the discuswisdom, the same good faith, and the sion of any measures likely to be proposed same modération, are actuating its allies. for their relief. There is nothing easier But though all this makes it unsafe to in- than to indulge in Aorid descriptions of terfere, there certainly have been and may pleasing anticipations and sanguine hopes; be cases, where it would be our duty to but the royal Speech wisely abstains from interfere between two belligerents : for as any extravagance of that nature: it fairly in England it has never been a question, and plainly says, that some improvement that a nation, under certain circumstances, has taken place, but that much yet rehas a right to revolt, it would be the gross- mains to be done; and it calls upon parest of absurdities to suppose, that its allies liament to take the matter into its fullest are to be deprived of the right of aiding consideration, and thereby to discharge a them in their exertions. We ourselves have, necessary, though a most laborious, duty. in former times, lent armed assistance to There are certain evils, however, under Holland, when she was oppressed, and which the country is suffering, to which I which she still remembers with gratitude; doubt whether it is in the power of the and, at another period, we had received legislature to apply a direct remedy, I from the same country succour and support. mean the evils of depression, which are I trust that the House will pardon me still affecting the productive classes. This for having detained it so long on this sub- is the subject that is pressed upon our ject; but as I could not fail to be sensible attention ; and we can have no objection to the deep importance attached to it, I to pledge ourselves to the prosecution of was anxious that what I had to say on the the inquiry how far the public expendimatter should not be misunderstood; and if ture may be reduced, consistently with the I have declined giving any distant opinion necessary demands of the country, and in on certain points connected with this topic, what degree we may be able to improve the I have done so, not because I wished to internal condition of the people. With reshrink from it, but from the circumstance spect to the manufacturing classes, to which of the whole facts of the case not being be- the Speech has alluded, I believe that one fore the House, and because I did not feel of the chief causes of the depression under myself at liberty to decide without the which they are suffering, is far removed fullest information. There is another beyond the control of the House. I am reason also, why I wish to be very cau- afraid we must not be sanguine enough to tious; and that is, because we learn from hope that the improvement of their conhis majesty's Speech, that there is still a dition will be rapid ; and I cannot help hope that negotiations between the parties feeling a great doubt, whether parliament, will go on, and lead to a compromise with- with all its boasted omnipotence, will be out resorting to extreme measures. If able to accelerate so desirable an event. This, this should turn out to be the case, the however, so far from furnishing any exHouse will see how necessary it is to be cuse for remissness on our parts, should, cautious how it comes to any expression I on the contrary, furnish the strongest mo a ty , tives for activity. Whatever our success and rather singular that they should unmay be likely to be, let us at all events do hesitatingly depart from that advice, our best; so that at least the country may which with so much propriety as well as see, and we ourselves feel, that every thing justice they had been pleased to impart has been done by us that could be done, to others. It was one thing to say that in the honest and faithful discharge of our the means of discussion were not at present duty; and though, on some occasions, the within the reach of the House, nor the disposition of the people of England may men present whose measures and conduct be wayward, yet I have sufficient faith in were to be discussed, therefore candour their good sense and candour, to believe, suggested that the attack (if attack there that when they see parliament exerting was to be) ought not to be made until the itself for their benefit, they will afford it defence could fairly be produced; and it a firm co-operation and assistance. By was quite another thing at the same pursuing, therefore, the course, pointed moment to discuss these very topics on out to us by the Crown, we shall be dis- one side, and forbid all allusion to them charging our duty to them and to our- on the other. An abstinence on both selves; and assuredly, if we may judge sides would have been fair and proper; but from the tenor of the Speech which we to give this advice in one breath, and to have heard this night, we may conclude, depart from it widely in the next, by that in promoting the happiness of the entering, elaborately into all the topics people, we shall effectually be promoting upon which difference of opinion might one of the most earnest objects of his ma- be reasonably presumed, and only prejesty's solicitude. serving silence upon those points on which Mr. Brougham said, he agreed most all were agreed, was, to say the least of it, , , entirely in one of the observations of his remarkably inconsistent. See the pain hon. and learned friend who had just which must be imposed by such a course. seconded the Address, and the propriety of You profess a desire to prevent discussion which must indeed receive a general and in the absence of the ministers, but you unqualified assent; namely, that circum- place your opponents in the unpleasant stances rendered the present time most situation of hearing that discussion, ex inconvenient for the discussion of the parte, and being, for urgent reasons, interseveral important matters referred to dicted from all reply. Yet, such was the in the Speech from the Throne. At position in which they were placed by the the same time, he must, on his own course that had been so singularly pursued part, as well as on that of the con- on the present occasion. The hon. mover stitutional authority of the House, had come forward with his, as it were, assert the unquestionable right of every plenary approbation of the Speech from member to discuss, if it so pleased him, the Throne. He was, no doubt, perfectly every part of the Speech which had been right in giving his approval, and no blame read from the chair, just as if the whole attached to him for accompanying the of his majesty's ministers were at that declaration with his reasons ; but, it was moment in their seats in parliament. But, rather hard, while this was done on one while he asserted such a right he assented side, that members should be called upon to the manifest inexpediency of the pre- to hold their peace on the other [hear !]. sent time for entertaining that discussion, There was no excuse for this inconsistency, because it would not be quite consistent of giving a plenary approbation of the with perfect fairness and candour, to enter breaking up of the old Administration, at once upon the consideration of so great even coupled as it was with the lesson a variety of topics, in the absence of those which the hon. mover had brought down to who were bound to explain and defend them from his noble relative, the earl of them. He owned, however, at the same Liverpool, who wished to have it notitime, his wish, that his hon. and learned fied to the House that he approved of friend, the seconder, as well as the hon. the construction of the new Administramover of the Address, had suggested to tion. Glad, indeed, he was, to hear of their own minds the propriety of following the noble earl's convalescence; for he, as themselves the advice which they had re- well as the public, had thought that the commended to others. It was a little noble lord was neither in a condition to inconsistent that their own conduct should take advice, nor to understand the importbe an exception to their own admonition ; I ant topics upon which he was said to have given any: but he must beg at the same absence of the information which was to time, with every proper feeling of delicacy, throw a light upon them, and of the to object to the delivery of this kind of persons who were bound to vindicate message from the noble earl, respectable them. While, however, he was ready to as he was in private life, and in all his abstain from premature discussion, he domestic relations, because he had been must protect himself against being conuniformly a minister, indeed possessing cluded from protesting, when the proper office hereditarily, and a member of season arrived, against many of the docall the governments throughout his time trines, and many of the arguments, of the --save only the last. The House needed hon. mover and seconder of the Address. not advice from such a quarter ; even He must not be considered as agreeing in though so respectable and soirreproachable. any one of those questionable propositions, That noble earl had always demeaned or in the equally questionable arguments, himself inoffensively to those who were with which they had been supported; and in public life his antagonists. He had still more against being considered as always found the noble lord the fairest adopting the terms used in the Address and most candid of adversaries; but that from the Throne. He wished for the was no reason for presenting to the House presence of those by whom the king's the noble lord's uncalled-for advice, and Speech had been penned, before he imhis assurance that the present adminis- pugned it as one which, more than any tration, founded upon the ruins of the other he had ever heard, tended to comold, was the best of all possible govern- mit the country in a position of peculiar ments. Doubtless the noble earl meant embarrassment. Against one paragraph of to approve of all the members of that new that Address, he was most anxious to record administration, though with some of them at once his unqualified dissent; having at he had essentially differed on many occa- the same time the fullest and firmest consions. Doubtless he meant equally to viction, that that dissent would be re-echoed approve of all the omissions in its con- from one end of the kingdom to the other. struction, which had so astounded the He meant to allude to the manner in which public; highly approving no doubt, of the the late glorious, brilliant, decisive, and absence from office of his old and learned immortal, achievement at Navarino was friend and colleague, the earl of Eldon, described, as being a matter to be lamentwhose name had accompanied his own ed. This was the first time he had ever through life, with an attachment so in- seen men anxious to come forward and violable, that it resembled the connexion refuse credit where it had been called for, between Castor and Pollux. So much, and set at nought the most splendid atindeed, had they been twin stars in the chievement of their arms. It had been horizon of this nether political world, that reserved for some of the men of these one could hardly be named except in con- times, to triumph and to be afraid to junction with the other. There never had, he conquer and to repine--to fight as heroes believed, been a political measure in which did, the contest of freedom, and still to they were disjoined, ora movement, in which tremble like slaves—to act gloriously, and they did not conjointly participate. Most repine bitterly--to win by brave men the remarkable was it, therefore, that the noble battle of liberty in the east, and in the west earl could have recorded his unqualified to pluck from the valiant brow the laurels approval of the omission of the name of which it had so nobly earned, and plant his ancient colleague in the roll of the the cypress in their stead, because the new government. Most surprising it was, conqueror had fought for religion and that such an opinion could be communi- liberty. He hailed as a bad omen the cated from the noble earl, respecting those designation of a great naval achievement with whom he had so long happily acted, as an as an "untoward event." He complained and who were not, happily a part of the pre- of this passage, on the part of certain sent administration (a laugh). In making honourable gentlemen, who formed a porthese observations, he should not suffer tion of the late, as they did of the present himself to be drawn into unnecessary administration, but who were not present discussion, notwithstanding the example to state their sentiments with reference to which had been improvidently set; he this point. The government came down entirely concurred in the propriety of and said, “O! you must not discuss such abstaining from debating measures in the land such subjects, because Mr. Grant and course. Mr. Huskisson are absent." On that ac- the step which had been taken. He concount they were called on not to discuss curred entirely in his hon. and learned certain measures. He certainly did not friend's view of the question, when he dewish to discuss them in their absence; but, precated war: but he could not, while was it right for those who drew up the touching on this point, avoid stating, that Speech to put into the mouth of their he observed with regret, an approxisovereign an attack on Mr. Grant and Mr. mation to a military system in this country; Huskisson, which they could not answer the government being represented, in the at the present moment ? Perhaps it would other house, by field-marshal the duke of be said, that no attack on them was in- Wellington, and in that house by the noble tended. If not, against whom was the at- Secretary at War. He really thought, tack-for such it appeared to him to be— that too much had been said about their intended? Was it meant for that intrepid ancient and faithful, religious ally, the officer who led the British fleet to victory ? religious and liberal emperor of the Turks ; Was it meant for those gallant men who had especially as the head of the Protestant fought and bled in the cause of liberty and interest--one, he was going to say, almost humanity ? The censure was directed either on the throne of this country-had exagainst Mr. Grant and Mr. Huskisson, or pressed himself perfectly satisfied with against the gallant officer who was employ- what had been done. He trusted that a ed on this important occasion. “In this system of perverted feeling with respect to dilemma, my lord field marshal duke of political measures would not recur. The Wellington and prime minister, you are brilliant success which had attended the placed. From this dilemma it is impossible introduction of a liberal system into our a you can extricate yourself. Out of foreign policy, under the administration of this dilemma, not your finest manæuvres, a right hon. gentleman of transcendent not your most accomplished movements, merit, would, he hoped, sufficiently 'show be they ever so bold, ever so nimble, ever the necessity of proceeding in the same so well-constructed, will be sufficient to He trusted that the talents and extricate you, Either you blame Mr. the exertions of that eminent man--who Huskisson and Mr. Grant-not only blame had fallen a sacrifice to the vile abuse them, but get the brother of Mr. Grant to which had been heaped upon him—would stand up in this house to censure them, on not be lost to the country. The success account of this measure—or there is no which had attended the right hon. gentleblame whatever imputed by you. In that man's efforts, induced him to hope, that case, the blame is all meant on the other the liberal system which the right hon. side: it is directed against those who fought gentleman had introduced would be for this glorious battle-against those who ever pursued by this country. He trusted led our gallant seamen to victory. They that they should no longer have to dread, must be the objects of blame, if Mr. as they had formerly dreaded, lest their Huskisson and Mr. Grant are not." He, names should be coupled with liberal prinhowever, could not conceive, how censure ciples. He trusted that they should not, could be cast upon the chief in that en- in future, be ashamed of all that was best gagement, after he had been thanked by in their own institutions, while they suphis sovereign-after he had been distin-ported all that was worst, most approved, guished by the praises of his superior in and most legitimate, in other monarchies. the navy-after he had been covered with He trusted that England would long conhonours, which were only less estimable tinue to be, what she had for the last than the fame and glory which he had three or four years been, since Mr. Canning achieved in the service of his country. came into office, the refuge and solace of Wholly concurring in the sentiment, that persecuted freemen, and not the refuge and it would be greatly for the benefit of Greece solace of the tyrants by whom they were if peace were restored, and believing that persecuted. He hoped that, whereveranytythis victory would mainly contribute to the ranny was exercised—wherever any system attainment of that object, he greatly re- of misgovernment was apparent—wherever joiced in the event. Deploring, as he any plan of cruelty or of fraud was contemshould do, the commencement of war; plated and enforced against the liberties of particularly deploring such a circumstance the people--those who suffered by such in the present state of the finances of this iniquitous proceedings would never cease country, still he could not find fault with I to look to England for succour and support. The manner in which our "ancient ally still he did not like of the finance of the country, enjoying all the patronage of the Crown,-enjoying, as he did enjoy, the full and perfect confidence of his sovereign, enjoying the patronage of the army, - enjoying the patronage of the church, and, in fact, enjoying almost all the patronage of the state. To the noble duke also was intrusted the delicate function of conveying constant and confidential advice to the ear of his royal master. As a constitutional man, this state of things struck him as being most unconstitutional. He was, indeed, told, that the noble duke was a person of very great vigour in council, and that his talents were not confined to the art of war. It might be so; but that did not remove his objections against the noble duke's being placed in possession of such an immense mass of civil and military influence. It was said, that the noble duke was incapable of speaking, in public, as a first minister of the Crown ought to do. Now, he conceived that there was no validity in that objection. He happened to be present when the noble duke, last year, had the modesty and candour to declare, in another place, that he was unfit for the situation of first minister, and he really thought he had never heard a better speech in the whole course of his life [a laugh]. Nothing could be more suited to the occasion. He never saw less want of capacity in an individual who might be called on to take an active part in debate. This, therefore, was not his reason for objecting to the appointment. That objection rested on the constitutional grounds which he had already stated, and, moreover, because the noble duke's experience had been purely military, not civil. It was scarcely necessary to remind the House of the noble duke's near connexion with the very worst, the most despotic, and the most purely military system, into which this country had ever been seduced. That, however, formed in his mind, another, and a very strong objection to the noble duke's being placed at the head of the administration. It was not any compensation to him, or to the country, to hear (what he had heard, not in that place, but out of doors), "Oh! the duke of Wellington is a person who will take care to have his own way; patronage will now go in its right channel; influence will no longer have any effect in the distribution military genius, of patronage, as many persons will find." him at the head | This was no compensation to him for so see to |