boys being worse than they were formerly, not only galling to the mind of the indibut from the fact, that for offences, in re- vidual, but prejudicial to the interests of ference to which it was now the usage to the country at large. The pretences on commit the offenders, those offenders which the disabilities were continued apwere in former times soundly whipped by peared to him to be weakened every day; the individuals against whom they com- and when he saw millions of people who mitted the offences, but who were now were calling for the repeal of those disafraid to take that course, lest an action abilities (for, putting together the Catholics should be brought against them for an of England and Ireland, they amounted assault.

probably to not less, numerically, than Referred to the committee on the In- one half of the population of the United crease of Crime.

Kingdom), then adding to them the wishes

of such inembers of the established church, Catholic EMANCIPATION--PETITION and the other Protestant churches in this OP CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.] Sir F. country, as were favourable to the CathoBurdett said, he was commissioned by lics, he was entitled to say that a large the general body of the Catholics of Ire- preponderating weight of public opinion land to present to the House a Petition, was in favour of granting the just claims praying for the removal of the disabilities of the Catholics. In behalf of the Cathounder which they laboured. The petition lics of the United Kingdom, he denied all he had to present to the House involved the charges and imputations that had been such important interests, and embraced thrown out against them. He denied that concerns of such magnitude to the welfare it was true, or founded on truth, that they of individuals as well as of the country at owed any divided allegiance, or that they large, that he was induced to break had not a common interest with men of through a general rule he had laid down every religious persuasion in this country. to himself, of not occupying the attention He denied that they were less desirous of of the House upon the presentation of pe- upholding the institutions of the country titions. He felt convinced that the con- than any other class of the community, dition of the petitioners excited the sym- On the part of the Catholics he would pathy not only of a majority in parliament, declare, that rather than be actuated by but of a vast portion of their fellow-sub- the feelings which were attributed to them jects in Ireland and in England; and that they would forego the accomplishment of it would be a great relief to the House and their just claims, by the granting of the little to the country, if parliament would take that remained to be conceded, and would into consideration the claims of the Roman willingly endure all the penalties from Catholics, as well as of persons labouring which they had been relieved. But in under disqualificatious on account of their behalf of the character of the Catholics, religious opinions. Upon the hardships he would appeal from the evidence of inunder which the Catholics laboured some terested calumniators and monopolizers of persons were disposed not to lay so much power under the pretence of religion, to stress as he did ; they thought it no very the equity of parliament, and would degreat grievance to labour under these dis- mand for them relief from their disabilities, abilities; but, in his opinion, nothing on the broad, general principle of religious could be more galling to the mind of an liberty—the principle on which our church honourable man, than in his own country and all Protestant churches were founded, to be considered as a proscribed person If it was reprehensible in the Catholic to have a mark set upon him for his con-church to visit with penalties those who scientious religious belief—to be held up dissented from them, it was tenfold more as a person unworthy of trust, and inca- unjust and inconsistent with the principles pacitated from receiving all marks of ho- on which our church was established, to nour and emolument—as a person whose maintain similar penalties on account of career was arrested in every course of the religious opinions of persons of what: ambition, however beneficial to the indi- ever persuasion they might be. In convidual or to the state--to have the finger clusion he trusted that the petitioners of scorn pointed at him, and to be com- would receive that attention which their pelled to witness other persons having cause, connected as it was with the great every possible advantage over him on ac- interests of the state, so eminently decount of their religious belief : this was manded [hear).

The petition was ordered to be printed, , have, in those different places, the whole and sir F. Burdett gave notice, that on machinery of an election, with its counthe 29th of April, he would submit a mo- sel, poll-clerks, &c., which would operate tion on the subject of the Catholic claims. as an increase, instead of a diminution,

of the expense. It appeared, therefore, Printing Expenses Of The House.] indispensable that some arrangement

OF THE Sir M. W. Ridley said, he was induced to should be made to meet this objection--to move for some particulars of the expense settle who had the right of voting. The of printing certain papers by order of the principle upon which the present bill was House, on account of the great sums founded was to provide, that that which which had been laid out in that way, and now took place at the election should in the apparent uselessness of that expen- future take place before the election ; so diture. He wished to be understood as that the right of the voters should be as having no intention of curtailing the right well proved and established before they of petitioning, or of having petitions print- were put on the list, as they were now, ed. What he principally objected to was after the proofs were gone into on the the appendices to the reports of the com- objection of either party. This was a mittees, which seemed to convey no in- preparatory measure, and was, in fact, formation whatever. The appendix to the essentially necessary to the great object he slavery report, for instance, contained no- had in view. A complete registry of thing but the names of slaves and their voters would greatly assist in simplifying masters and mistresses, accompanied with the business of elections. The principle declarations as to the good or bad qualities of the bill was one which he thought of the latter. The expense of printing likely to meet with general approbation : these papers

for the last year was calcu- it was to apply the scrutiny of votes before lated at 80,0001., and in some years it the election, when men's passions were had amounted to 120,0001. After stating not engaged, and by that means to obviate his intention to move for the appointment the objection to taking the poll at of a committee to investigate the subject, different parts of the same county. The the hon. member concluded by moving noble lord concluded with moving “ for for returns of the expense attending the leave to bring in a Bill for the Registraprinting the reports on slavery, on the tion of Freeholders in the different CounGame-laws, on the burning of Hindoo ties of England and Wales.” widows, and other subjects. The motion Lord Lowther thought it was right that was agreed to.

those who were interested in the elections

of counties should have time to examine REGISTRATION of FreEHOLDERS.] into the provisions of the bill. For his Lord Althorp rose, pursuant to notice, to own part, he was not so sanguine as the move “for leave to bring in a Bill for the noble lord seemed to be with respect to Registration of Freeholders in England the probable operation of the measure. and Wales.” He observed that a com- Leave was given to bring in the bill, mittee had been appointed last session to consider the mode of taking polls at elec- TREATY OF LIMERICK.] Sir Henry tions, and a bill was printed by their Parnell

. rose, pursuant to notice, to move directions for the use of the House. It “ that a copy of the Treaty of Limerick would therefore be the less necessary for be laid upon the table.” Many petitions him to detain them at any length on had, he said, been presented in the course the present occasion. He would, how- of the present session from the Roman ever, explain briefly the principle of the Catholics of Ireland, in which they prayed measure, and the reason upon which it for a restoration of the civil privileges of was founded. The great object he had which they had been deprived on account in view was to diminish the expense of of their religious opinions. These peelections, by having the poll taken at titions stated, that the laws and statutes different parts of the county, instead of by which the Roman Catholics were debringing the electors from various dis-prived of their civil rights had been tances all to the place. The chief ob- framed in direct violation of the compact jection to the plan was, that it would be entered into between the Irish nation and difficult to know who were voters and who king William 3rd, the conditions of which were not, and that it would be necessary to I compact were comprised in the Treaty of

Limerick. When so 'numerous and im-1 victory gained over James by the English portant a body as the Catholics of Ireland forces. In that year an attempt was made made statements like those in the petitions by William to take the city of Limerick, presented to that House, he thought the but he was repulsed from the walls by the document referred to ought to be before garrison; James's army still amounting to the House, in order that hon, members thirty thousand men. It was not till the might understand whether or not those month of August, 1691, that the second statements were well founded. It was not siege of Limerick was commenced, under his intention upon the present occasion to general Ginkle; the garrison held out, and trouble the House with many arguments defended the city from that period to the on the import or particular construction October following, when they capitulated, of the articles of the Treaty of Limerick : and that Treaty was signed which formed but there were facts and circumstances the subject of the present motion. Thus connected with the execution of it, which it appeared that the conquest of Ireland should be stated, in order that the nature occupied a large army, amounting to about of the document might be clearly under thirty thousand men, successively under stood. Many hon. members might think the command of William and the most that the Treaty referred to nothing more distinguished of his generals, for a period than the quelling of a popular insurrection, of two years and two months, from the and to a victory easily gained by regular first landing of the English forces to the English soldiers over an unprincipled surrender of Limerick. At the time of that rabble ; and that king William 3rd had surrender, the affairs of James and were only to send an army to Ireland to subdue not so desperate as might be supposed; it ; but if they examined into the occur- for several towns were still held by his rences that preceded the treaty they garrisons, and five of the largest counties would find it to be a very different trans- in Ireland were more immediately in action. How did the case stand ? Until possession of his adherents. Under such the period of the Union, Ireland had been circumstances, the House well knew what an independent country, wholly indepen- must have been the value of the surrender dent of England, with which she was of Limerick to the English forces-it was, connected only by the circumstance of in fact, not merely the surrender of Limerher acknowledging that she owed allegi- ick which then took place, but the surance to the same king. When the Revo- render of all Ireland. Let it be recollution of 1688 took place in this country, lected also, that at this very time, a French James 2nd was expelled, not less for fleet was in full sail to the assistance of political than for religious reasons; the the Irish-was, in fact, in the channel, people of Ireland, being Roman Catholics with large reinforcements, and arrived continued that allegiance to James which three days after the articles of capitulation his English subjects had withdrawn : ac- had been signed. In consequence of this cordingly, they acknowledged him for treaty, a body of eighteen thousand men their king, and recognized his authority. embarked for France, being a part of the

He repeated, it would be found that army of Ireland. By this treaty were until the Union, Ireland was a perfectly conceded to king William the garrisons, independent country; and when the Pro- towns, and all the territory hitherto held testant Revolutionary party of this coun- for James, by his adherents, in that country thought proper to dethrone king try, and the regal authority of William James, the people of Ireland did not was acknowledged. Thus, he said, the feel the same necessity, and they con- Irish people, notwithstanding they had tinued to acknowledge him as their legiti- expectations of support, gave up the king mate king. Lord Tyrconnel, at that time of their own religion, and acknowledged lord lieutenant of Ireland, carried on the the authority of William. government on behalf of James, as the go- The House would remember that by vernment of an independent State. In this treaty William not only acquired August 1689, king William sent his first possession of Ireland, but obtained a army to Ireland. The time passed away confirmation of the Settlement acts of the without any thing being done, in conse- Revolution of 1688. The latter circumquence of the sickness of the troops, till stance must have been the more acceptathe July of the next year, 1690, when the ble to William, as at that period the party battle of the Boyne was fought, and a l of James was exceedingly powerful, not

only in Ireland, but also in England - a а With regard to the circumstances supstate of things the more dangerous to posed to have occurred since the execution William, as he was frequently obliged of that treaty, he wished to say that, in his to be absent from his more immediate mind, what was advanced against the conterritories, on account of the contest in struction put upon it by the Roman Cawhich he was engaged with Louis 14th. tholics was not tenable. One of the About this period, William's forces and leading arguments against the efficacy those of his allies had sustained consider of the treaty, arose out of the length of able reverses when opposed to the French time since its execution ; and the oppotroops. All these occurrences made the nents of the Roman Catholics contended, settlement of Ireland a matter exceedingly that if they could claim any thing under desirable to William; and when that object the treaty, their claim was now obsolete, was accomplished, he was enabled to turn because they had permitted a long interval his arms more easily against Louis 14th : to elapse without preferring it. In reply and, having placed our foreign relations to this, he wished to state, that the Roman on a more satisfactory footing, he finally Catholics had never permitted any opporfixed his power on a firm basis, and es- tunity to pass away of pressing their claims, tablished that free constitution which the as founded on the basis of that treaty. In country at present enjoyed. The first confirmation of this opinion he referred the article of the Treaty to which he had House to the work of Dr. Currie, on the alluded was the following. Before he “Civil Wars of Ireland,” where they would quoted it, he should premise, that it was find, in the conduct pursued by sir Theoone of the articles on which the Roman bald Buller and sir Stephen Rice, before Catholics mainly relied

both Houses of the Irish parliament, in “ That the Roman Catholics of this relation to this treaty, a full refutation of country shall enjoy such privileges in the the argument referred to. During the adexercise of their religion, as are consistent ministration of lord Halifax, the Roman with the laws of Ireland, or as they did en- Catholics applied to be allowed the benejoy in the reign of king Charles 2nd, and fits of the treaty, and in 1792, in their petheir majesties, as soon as their affairs will tition and memorial presented to the king, permit them to summon a parliament in they again refer to these articles, and claim this kingdom, will endeavour to procure the enjoyment of the privileges promised the said Roman Catholics such farther them. He repeated, there had been no security, in that particular, as may pre- occasion since the period when these artiserve them from any disturbance on account cles were framed, which the Roman Caof their said religion."

tholics had not embraced, to put forward - That, he repeated, was the principal article their claims as founded on the Treaty of on which the Roman Catholics relied ; but Limerick. On their part he might therethere was another, the 9th, which was also fore argue, that by their continual reference deserving of consideration, and was in the to the articles of the treaty, they had following terms :

proved that they had not forgotten the “The oath to be administered to such value of the claim which that treaty enRoman Catholics as submit themselves to abled them to make. Smollett calls the their majesties' government shall be the Treaty of Limerick the Charter of the Liberoath aforesaid, and no other.”

ties of Ireland. If so, it is certainly not It was not the intention to go into any one of great effect. High authorities might arguments on the purport or construction be quoted on this subject, and opinions of this treaty: he would only observe, that which would have the greater weight, as the Roman Catholics were secured against they had been delivered in that House. any disturbance in the exercise of their Dr. Laurence, than whom there was no religious privileges in the 1st article of the more respectable authority, repeatedly detreaty; and that by the 9th article they clared his opinion, that the articles of the were only required to take the oath of al- Treaty of Limerick had been violated by legiance to their majesties. Be it remem- the continued exclusion of the Roman Caa bered, that this was the short and simple tholics from the enjoyment of civil prioath of allegiance, and not similar to some vileges on account of their religious belief. oaths or declarations subsequently devised, Lord Plunkett's sentiments on the subject as it embraced nothing except a declara- were similar, as was well known to the tion of loyalty to the reigning monarch. House, which had frequently heard them VOL. XVIII.

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expressed. But he now came to an opi- the Oath of Allegiance made by Act of nion which carried still more weight along Parliament in England, in the first year of with it, and deserved to be received with their Majesties' reign, as required by the the highest respect-hemeant the authority second of the Articles of Limerick. Comof Mr. Burke. The opinion of that great pare this latter article with the penal laws, man and profound statesman, as it appeared and judge whether they seem to be the in the edition of his Posthumous Works, public acts of the same power, and observe published in 1812, fully corroborated the whether other oaths are tendered to them, view which he (sir Henry) took of the case. and under what penalties. Compare the Up to the period of the publication of the former with the same laws from the begintracts to which he referred, those who en- ning to the end, and judge whether the tertained similar opinions to those of Mr. Roman Catholics have been preserved, Burke on the subject of the treaty, had not agreeably to the sense of the article, from had the benefit of his authority; at least, any disturbance upon account of their rewere unable to quote it in an authentic ligion; or rather, whether, on that account, form. He would now read a few lines there is a single right of nature or benefit from Mr. Burke's tract on the Popery Laws, of society which has not been either totally contained in the 9th vol. of the 8vo. edi- taken away, or considerably impaired.” tion of 1812 :

These were the opinions of Mr. Burke “ It will now be seen, that even if these on the subject of the Treaty of Limerick, (the Popery) laws could be supposed and of the treatment which the Roman Caagreeable to those of nature in these par- tholics had experienced, and he sincerely ticulars, in another, and almost as strong a trusted, that before the subject of the Caprinciple, they are yet unjust, as being tholic claims came regularly under discuscontrary to positive compact, and the pub- sion, honourable members, previous to givlic faith most solemnly plighted. On the ing their votes, one way or the other, would surrender of Liinerick, and some other take the trouble to recur to those opinions Irish garrisons in the war of the Revolution, of Mr. Burke, and, assisted by the light they the lords justices of Ireland, and the com- afforded, endeavour to come to a correct mander-in-chief of the king's forces, signed judgment on that important topic. a capitulation with the Irish, which was af- He had now little more to say, and terwards ratified by the king himself by should only refer shortly to what tended inspextinces under the Great Seal of Eng- strongly to confirm his views, in regard to land. It contains some public articles this subject; namely, the nature of the relative to the whole body of the Roman arguments used by the opponents of the Catholics in that kingdom, and some with Roman Catholics. He was prepared to regard to the security to the greater part assert, that the weakness of those arguof the inhabitants of five counties. What ments afforded to his mind as strong a the latter were, or in what manner they conviction of the propriety of conceding were observed, is at this day of much less the Roman Catholic claims, as did the public concern. The former are two—the cogency of the arguments adopted by first and the ninth. The first is of this those who held the same sentiments as tenour :- The Roman Catholics of this himself. He repeated, that if he could kingdom (Ireland) shall enjoy such privi- wish for any thing to confirm the view he leges in the exercise of their Religion, as had taken of the Treaty of Limerick, it are consistent with the laws of Ireland, or would be found in the arguments used by as they did enjoy in the reign of king those writers who took a different view of Charles 2nd, and their Majesties, as soon the question. There was a pamphlet of as their affairs will permit them to sum- Mr. Arthur Brown, formerly member for mon a parliament in this kingdom, will en- the University of Dublin, who gave a condeavour, to procure the said Roman Ca- struction of the article different from that tholics such further security in that par- which he (sir Henry) had stated; but he ticular, as may preserve them from any dis- had been able to discover nothing in Mr. turbance upon the account of their said Brown's arguments that did not confirm, religion. The ninth article is to this ef- rather than weaken, the construction fect :—"The oath to be administered to usually put upon the Treaty. Among other such Roman Catholics as submit them- violent opponents of the Roman Catholics selves to their Majesties' Government shall was the late Dr. Duigenan. That learned be the oath aforesaid, and no other, viz.- 1 gentleman wrote against the view taken by