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Chalmers "Thirty-Six" $1800

-SELF-STARTING

Biggest Value on the Market Because
of the Features Listed Below

You Cannot Get all These Desirable Fea-
tures in Any Other Medium Priced Car

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Beauty of Line and Finish We show no picture to illustrate this feature of the "ThirtySix." For no photograph or drawing can adequately convey to you the grace of line and contour that characterize this car. No printing ink can suggest the rich, glossy finish that eighteen coats of paint and varnish give to the beautiful body. To appreciate these featuresas well as the elegant details of upholstery and trimming-you must see the car itself. We ask you to do this. It's the only way you can judge.

One thing more needs to be remembered. The car described above is a Chalmers car. It bears a standard name and trade mark. Chalmers cars are good cars have always been good cars. And Chalmers service to owners, through our service department and dealers, makes good our guaranty on every car.

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We ask you now to note again the features that distinguish the Chalmers "Thirty-Six." You cannot get all these features in any other car at a medium price-possibly not all in any other car at any price.

That is why more than one thousand of these cars were sold by Chalmers dealers before they were able to make a demonstration. That is why more than three-fourths of our 1912 output was delivered by March 1. We suggest the necessity, if you wish to get your car for the spring days, of placing your order now.

"Thirty-Six" body types are five passenger touring, four passenger torpedo at $1800, two passenger torpedo roadster, $1900. Catalog and dealer's name on request.

Other Chalmers models are: Chalmers "30" five passenger touring car, four passenger torpedo, $1,500, inside drive coupe, $2,000;
Chalmers "Forty" seven passenger touring car, four passenger torpedo, $2,750; Chalmers "Six" seven passenger touring car,
four passenger torpedo, $3,250. Enclosed cars on "Thirty-Six" chassis-Berlin limousine, $3,250; Cabside limousine, $3,000.

Chalmers Motor Company, Detroit, Mich.

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WASHINGTON AND BRYCE

N INQUIRER asks how we reconcile our statement that WASHINGTON never expressed distrust of a third term with what is said in "The American Commonwealth." We do not reconcile it. Great as is our admiration for Mr. BRYCE, we cannot help believing he misstates WASHINGTON'S position. Nothing in American history, so far as known to us, supports the current fable. There is one document which, considered carelessly, might be read that way, although it is in reality evidence in the opposite direction. It will be remembered that WASHINGTON was reluctant to accept even one term, for personal reasons, and fought hard against accepting a second. When he was trying to escape, not from a third term but from a second, in 1792, he asked MADISON to draw up a number of reasons that he might give to the public, and he included the half-interrogatory statement that "the spirit of the Government may render a rotation in the elective officers of it more congenial with their ideas of liberty and safety." MADISON made a draft, changing "more congenial" to may equally accord," putting in "the republican spirit of our Constitution" on his own account, and still leaving it a hazard about what the people might think, not what WASHINGTON thought. The general tone of this unused draft of a refusal to accept a second term was apologetic for not serving longer, and this apologetic tone continued when WASHINGTON refused a third term. He then had the Madison draft before him, and in the careful final preparation he made no reference whatever even to a possible popular preference for rotation. A correct reading of American history shows without doubt that the rotation idea existed in JEFFERSON's party; was recognized by WASHINGTON only as a fact, not as a reasonable fact; and was first put into effect and started as a tradition by JEFFERSON himself. WASHINGTON, of course, knew that a certain part of the population agreed with JEFFERSON'S ideas on rotation. That he himself did not agree with them, at the time the Constitution was formed, was made clear beyond doubt in the letter which he wrote to LAFAYETTE in 1788, in which he said: "I confess I differ widely myself from Mr. JEFFERSON and you as to the necessity or expediency of rotation" in the Presidency. The reasons which, when the Constitution was being made, carried the day in favor of allowing one man to be President as often as he might be wanted, are restated in the "Federalist" with an energy and ability certainly not surpassed in any controversy on the subject since that day. There is absolutely no evidence, that we have ever been able to find, that the ideas of WASHINGTON on rotation ever changed. In his farewell address he mentioned all possible dangers, but said nothing about any danger from reelection to the Presidency-a danger which in his letter to LAFAYETTE he treated as absurd. In the farewell address he puts particular emphasis on the dangers from dividing on geographical lines, from encroachment of one department upon another (which the judiciary might do well to remember at the present moment), and from excess of party spirit. Another reason for his retirement, which had been in his mind for many years, was thus expressed to HAMILTON in 1796: Having from a variety of reasons (among which a disinclination to be longer buffeted in the public prints by a set of infamous scufflers) taken my ultimate determination to seek the post of honor in a private station.

WASHINGTON, When he laid down command of the army, stated that he would have no more to do with public life. He changed his mind, and accepted one term, saying he would not take a second. He accepted the second. He then retired, with a still more emphatic statement that he would never again accept any public position. In the year preceding his death he had just about made up his mind to cancel that decision also. On July 4, 1798, he wrote to JAMES MCHENRY, Secretary of War, that in deciding whether or not he would assume command of the army once more there were several things to settle before deciding. The first was: "Propriety in the opinion of the public. of my appearing again on a public theatre, after declaring the sentiments I did in my valedictory address of September, 1796." The second, "a conviction in my own heart, from the best information that can be obtained, that it is the wish of my country." It is fair that the public should not be handed a lot of false history as fodder for reflection.

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ence primaries. Mr. BRYAN, it strikes us, as the most popular leader of his party, and as a leader insistent upon popular government, ought to give all possible support to that candidate who has the most support in those States where the voter exercises free choice, and to those States only should he pay any attention in making up his mind. The reason that all the energy in the Democratic party which is being applied to presidential preference primaries comes from the followers of WOODROW WILSON is not difficult to guess. Every machine, with perhaps one exception, in the country is opposed to WILSON, but if the machinery were in the hands of the voters instead of the bosses the Governor of New Jersey would probably be nominated. The voters have nothing in mind except to select a candidate who would make the strongest run and the best President. The bosses, the machine, and the interests behind them, have many other things in mind.

THE

JAMES WILSON SHOULD GO

HE SECRETARY OF AGRICULTURE is such a bulwark of safety for those who wish to undo the Pure Food and Drugs Act that he has been able to reduce WILEY'S work to almost nothing and to keep MCCABE in power. What the influences are which have led to the protection by the President of these iniquities we do not undertake to say. Part of Secretary WILSON's record will be found in this number. Two other articles giving the rest of it will follow rapidly. The record has naturally discouraged Dr. WILEY. It would have discouraged JOB. The only contrary argument that we have been able to hear is that Secretary WILSON is an old man and therefore ought not to be disturbed by criticism. The same argument was given to us when we started many years ago gunning for Uncle JOE CANNON. It is an excellent consideration in itself, but possibly in the present state of the public mind will be outweighed by questions of bias and efficiency. Even the oldest man may be unsuitable for the conduct of a great department. If he were a hundred years old, Secretary WILSON's injury to the country is so great that he ought to be allowed to settle on his farm and spend the rest of his life in criticizing existence as attractively as Mr. CANNON does on page 17 of this issue. The President has the people to protect. He should let the Secretary go.

SMA

A PROMISING THEATRE

MALL PLAYHOUSES devoted to intellectual plays have helped the development of modern drama-as the Freie Bühne in Berlin, the Théâtre Antoine in Paris, the Court Theatre in London. The Little Theatre, just started in New York, is beautiful and comfortable as a building, and Mr. WINTHROP AMES showed such ability, in spite of the enormous and needless difficulties of the New Theatre, that as the head of this new enterprise he is likely to stimulate our stage. GALSWORTHY'S brilliantly written and moving satiric comedy," The Pigeon," might not have been seen in the United States at all had it not been for this new home of taste and forum of the mind. Through the Little Theatre will be furnished a hearing to plays which may appeal to interests other than spectacle, mating, and suspense.

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GERMAN ACTING

N "SUMURUN" the most striking character is a slave girl-primitive, fierce, impassioned, wild like an animal in her motions and in her interests. The actress who takes this part gives the impression, in every movement of her face and body, in her mode of speaking and smiling, in her whole being, that she is exactly the kind of savage intended. Off the stage, this same actress appears as quiet, gentle, amiable, retiring, and refined. Her personality, in other words, has nothing to do with her impersonation, and this use of art instead of personal attributes is inseparable from the higher plane on which the stage in Germany exists. Acting in this country almost inevitably means a more or less successful adaption of personality to the part. The actors who are capable of changing their individualities, radically and completely, to fit widely different characters are, with us, extraordinarily few.

NIGHTS"
THE ARABIAN

HE VOGUE of "Sumurun " and "Kismet "has set people thinkNo great work has ever suffered more from ignorant misconception. Even persons of wide reading have been known to mistake the freedom of speech in parts for the spirit of the whole. Of course, editions for the book collector are not for the nursery, any more than Rabelais or portions of Shakespeare, but the true quality of the "Arabian Nights" is shown by the fact that it is not spoiled by expurgation. It still remains the greatest store. The child who house of wonders that ever took the form of a book.

THE VOGUE of Subar Nigam

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has not been stirred by this "mediocre epic," as one critic called it, has lost much. Life is less without SINDBAD, ALADDIN, ALI BABA and the Forty Thieves, genies and peris, the enchanted horse, the magic "Sumurun" does not mention these, to be carpet, the fabled roc. sure; it does not concern itself with the supernatural, but it does more: it puts Bagdad on Broadway, it gives the beholder the mood which underlies the improvisations of SCHEHERAZADE, for the instant it makes the spectator a part of that life which caused the just and humorous Caliph HARUN-AL-RASHID to disguise himself and steal out among his people. Accomplishing this, the exact story it tells is of small concern.

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GOOD WORK

WHEN C. P. CONNOLLY published in COLLIER'S his article called The Saving of Clarence Darrow," a good many people thought that he was not telling the real inside story, as his narrative was essentially different from others sent out from Los Angeles. Speaking to a small club a fortnight ago, Detective BURNS said that CONNOLLY's story was absolutely the right one. Mr. CONNOLLY's record as a journalist has been notable. His account of the Moyer-Haywood trial was as preHis articles eminently excellent as his account of the McNamara trial. on ANKENY in Washington and FULTON in Oregon probably brought about the defeat of those statesmen. His article called "The Whitewashing of Ballinger," and his other contributions to that controversy, had much to do with the outcome. There is no way to-day in which a man can be more useful to the community than in burrowing down into important subjects, getting the facts, understanding their relations, and telling the public.

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SOURCES OF TRUTH

NA MOST PREGNANT MOMENT of history jesting PILATE asked, "What is truth?" But did he jest? Millions have put the question in earnest. The same man who fastened the word jesting cn to PILATE'S name was fond of quoting what HERODOTUS said about the light of reason, "Dry light is ever the best," meaning light unrefracted by prejudice and passion-an impossibility, no doubt, but nevertheless an ideal. Where many interests are concerned it will not be possible to tell the truth without a fight. Light is antiseptic, but it is often unwelcome; it is not always becoming. "This same truth," as BACON says, "is a naked and open daylight, that does not shew the masks and mummeries and triumphs of the world half so stately and daintily as candlelights." Thorough in investigation and determined in exposition is what every journalist ought to be. His power in the community is great, and his devotion should not be less. Democratic government would be an impossibility without newspapers, and its success must depend largely on the ability, freedom, and courage of the press. Of course, there is an agitation for the sake of agitation which is inexcusable, but it is much less likely to continue and do harm than are the opposite faults of timidity and smugness. Muckraking on the whole should be a term of praise. It helps the public and it certainly does no moral harm to the newspaper indulging in it. As old LYLY said: "The sun shineth upon the dunghill and is not polluted." If our Government and our civilization are to become more and more democratic, more and more equal, more and more just, it must be because, step by step, the organs of public opinion also become more democratic, uncompromising, and just. An ideal press is a necessity of an ideal democracy.

THE PATERSON SILK STRIKE

AQUIETLY CONDUCTED labor war was that in Paterson between the broad-silk weavers and the, owners of about two hundred and sixteen mills. The owners did not attempt to employ strike breakers, and the employees kept clear of violence and sabotage. The strikers were organized by the more peaceable and conservative of the two divisions of the Industrial Workers of the World. They presented a uniform agreement for payment of work. Recognition of the agreement, which meant recognition of the I. W. W., was part of the contest. Certain of the mills have paid a higher rate than that demanded, but their men joined the strike because the agreement itself was not signed. Neither side desired a repetition of Lawrence, to bring a blot on the name of Paterson, with terror in the streets and injustice dealt out to innocent citizens. Therefore, when BILL HAYWOOD, the Direct

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Action" champion of the militant section of the I. W. W. was expected to dash down from Massachusetts for a heated session in Helvetia Hall, the Paterson strike executive committee announced we "disclaim and disown any connection with the said HAYWOOD," and called his coming sinister move." So small has been the volume of business done for many months in the silk mills of Paterson that the workers have been on part time. One labor leader tells of investigating a list of over four hundred workers, and finding an average weekly wage of $7.50. The owners stated that they were already under a disadvantage in competing with silk production in other places, particularly Pennsylvania, where fuel is cheaper, where there is remission of taxes, where labor works longer hours for less money. Some of them talked of moving if wages are increased. The trouble began some time ago in the admirable plant of HENRY DOHERTY, where the light and air conditions are almost perfect, and the sanitary accompaniments beyond reproach. The trouIt does ble grew out of giving four looms to a worker instead of two. not require overwork or speeding up for one man to tend four looms. Compared with many phases of modern industrial work, the lot of the silk workers is fortunate in hours, intensity of work, and, for many of the mills, in general condition. But the part-time wages reduced many families to debt. Each side to the dispute was sincerely convinced of the justice of its contention. With more than half the mills signing the demands of the workers, the trouble is over for the present season, if the local spurt in the silk trade holds. The strike organizers will now proceed into the Pennsylvania mills, and attempt to carry over their victory with them.

PHILA

VACANT LOTS

HILADELPHIA STARTED the vacant-lot movement, but other cities are doing well. Training gardens where boys may learn first principles of farming are a feature of the vacant-lot improvement work in Cleveland. A curator supervises these school gardens-a practical dreamer who, last time we heard him, was pleading for the introduction of gardening into the curriculum of Cleveland's grammar schools (as sixthgrade work) and the establishment of a high-school course in agriculture. Scholarships in the Ohio State University's horticultural school are offered to young vacant-lot gardeners as prizes for excellence in management. Chicago's way of opening a community garden is an example to other cities. A corporation gave the use of a twenty-acre field in the neighborhood of the city workhouse. By popular subscription, $300 was raised to begin the work; each of sixty women took a coupon book and sold twenty tickets at twenty-five cents apiece. Three organizations-the City Gardens Association, the United Charities, and the Outdoor Art League -cooperated. Engineering students gave their services as surveyors and divided the land into plots 36 x 150 feet. From a dozen sources came gifts of plows, bricks, tiles, lumber, plumbing, seeds, bulbs, small trees, bushes, and garden tools. The Outdoor Art League took charge of building a small bungalow for a nursery for the children of the gardeners and for a rest room. Some of the women who tended garden plots came from tenements two or three miles away. The gardeners were recommended by the Associated Charities, Hull House, the Tuberculosis Commission, and similar agencies. Under a smoke-laden sky the nations of Chicago's West Side turned a dismal vacant lot into a prosperous garden. In Washington no little circle or triangle of ground at street intersections goes unparked. Grass, shrubs, and flowers are so attractively arranged that they happily divert attention from the statuary. On account of the scarcity of land, Washington has few vacant lots, but those few are well looked after by a new vacant-lot improvement association. The Normal School's laboratory is a greenhouse where the teachers learn the principles of plant culture; and each is required to grow a garden or have a window box at home. Every school in Washington is required to make beautiful its yard. Each room in a building has a portion of the garden to tend. This garden usually is a narrow border around the yard, adding attractiveness without reducing playground space.

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A WOMAN ALONE

CCASIONALLY a novel appears which, quite apart from its merits as art, reflects some important aspect of our current life with such sincerity that the reader never feels quite the same again about the subject. An anonymous story, called "A Woman Alone," has that quality. It is asserted in the beginning that it is not a novel but an autobiography. Whether or not that be literally true, it is saturated with actuality. The difficulties which a woman without friends, making her way in a great city, encounters are set forth with intimate truthfulness. The part played in the story by the average man is by no means creditable. The reader of this book will leave it not only with more knowledge but with more sympathy and even perhaps with a little more character.

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Wilson

HE Food and Drugs Act, commonly known as the Pure Food Law, was passed in 1906. Since that time it has presumably been in process of enforcement. Department of Agriculture officials urgently assert that the measure is being actively and effectively applied. Before a Congressional investigating committee last summer, Solicitor George P. McCabe, Secretary Wilson's first lieutenant, asserted that every effort was being made to put it into genuine operation. Mr. McCabe then said: "The law became operative January 1, 1907, and up to July 15, 1911, the Secretary of Agriculture had sent to the United States attorneys, through the Department of Justice, 2,765 cases for prosecution. Of these 1,992 were criminal cases, directed against the shippers of adulterated and misbranded foods and drugs, and 773 were seizures of such contraband goods by process of libel for condemnation. About 1,400 of the cases resulted favorably to the Government. Only 33 terminated adversely. In the criminal cases, fines, varying in the discretion of the court, and costs were imposed on the defendants, and in the seizure cases decrees of condemnation and forfeiture were taken against the goods. Where the articles of food were not filthy or decomposed, or did not contain poisonous or deleterious ingredients, the seized goods generally were released to the owners on the filing of bonds that they would not dispose of them contrary to law, as provided for by the act. Decrees of destruction were taken in the other seizures. Both the criminal and the seizure proceedings have usually been followed by reform on the part of the parties responsible for the goods."

The view, then so strenuously taken, has been reiterated again and again by department officials. The trouble is the public does not believe it. But, until very recently, this disbelief, however persistent, could not be given a basis of proof. Proceedings under the law were held behind closed doors, and every effort was made by the Department of Agriculture to maintain and deepen the secrecy and mystery surrounding its administration of the act. What the public has desired to know more than anything else has been the extent to which cases, actually brought before the Department of Agriculture and urgently demanding action in the interest of the public health, were suspended and prevented from coming to a final conclusion.

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more than 6,200 cases of misbranding and adulteration which had been prepared in the Bureau of Chemistry were held up or "kept in abeyance" by Secretary James Wilson, under the advice of Solicitor George P. McCabe. In response to an inquiry as to the cost of the Government involved in this suspension of proceedings, Dr. Wiley submitted a striking and alarming estimate.

In computing the average cost per case, the total amount of money expended for interstate work since the Food and Drugs Act work went into effect was divided by the total number of cases which the Bureau of Chemistry found to be in violation of the law. This gave an average of approximately $201 per case. The results worked out as follows:

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THE essential correctness of this computation has never been questioned, and no reply to it has been made by the Department of Agriculture, further than to say that some of the cases suspended were freakish in character and were the product of whims and fancies on the part of those charged with the administration of the Pure Food Law. The fact that the department entertained this point of view has led many to desire a knowledge of the character of the cases which it had suspended, though no information about them has ever heretofore been had. During the investigation already referred to, Congressman Ralph W. Moss, chairman of the House Committee on Expenditures in the Department of Agriculture, learning that there was a record of such cases, said to Solicitor George P. McCabe, who was then on the witness stand:

"Is there in the Bureau of Chemistry of the Department of Agriculture a record known as a permanent abeyance register?"

Mr. McCabe answered: "Not that I know of."

In spite of this technical denial, Mr. McCabe referred the request for the register of cases to Secretary Wilson, who at once saw the necessity of admitting the existence of the record. On the 5th of August he wrote to Mr. Moss:

"I have the register before me"-but he went on to say that it was "incomplete" and would have to be brought up to date. He continued:

"So far as this department is concerned, the enforcement of the Food and Drugs Act is an open book, and

McCabe

I desire that your committee should have a complete record of every action that has taken by the department under the law. This list, as soon as completed by the Bureau of Chemistry, will be furnished to your committee, and you will then have the fullest possible information. I am not willing, however, to send you an incomplete list, which would only give the committee an incomplete view of the situation."

In spite of this "desire," however, the record never was furnished to the committee, and only a small proportion of the documents were sent in after the hearings had closed. Due to this attitude of postponement and concealment, the facts about the cases have never been published, and the permanent abeyance register with its record of thousands of abated cases remains closed to the public. Not even the names of the cases have been made known. How far does the nature of the cases recorded in the "permanent abeyance register" of the Department of Agriculture bear out the assertion that the matters there dealt with were of a character to which no reasonable man, unhampered by whims and fancies, would pay attention? A few examples drawn from the cases contained in this "register" may furnish an answer.

Some Samples of "Permanent Abeyance"

ONE of the cases which were ordered abated by

Solicitor McCabe or his assistants, with Secretary Wilson's backing and support, related to the product of Booth's Hyomei Company of Buffalo, New York, which placed on the market a preparation called Miona. This material was advertised to "stop stomach distress," and the statement was made that it "can be given to the weakest and most delicate child with a certainty of good results." The manufacturers were notified of the fact that an analysis had been made, and a report was furnished them concerning its contents. It showed that the remedy was composed of bismuth subgallate, calcium carbonate, and nux vomica incorporated with starch and milk sugar. Thereupon they indicated a disposition merely to change the label. But Solicitor McCabe's office ordered the case abated.

In another instance, a sample of vinegar was obtained from the Oakland Vinegar Company of Saginaw, Michigan. Examination showed that the sample contained acetic acid and unfermented apple juice. It was labeled "apple cider vinegar," when, in fact, it was unfermented apple juice and a dilute solution of acetic, acid. After this sample, which had been "guaranteed" and warranted by the manufacturers to be pure, had been through the department mill, a report was made by the producers in which they denied that they had used any foreign substance whatever. This led to a reference of the sample back to the laboratory for re

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