If the higheft fubject of this realm is bound by the fame laws which bind me, and I am bound by those which bind the meaneft, nature and reafon admit no greater degree of liberty. Freedom beyond this is anarchy, and diforder, and favage barbarity. The glory of our conftitution, as it is now fettled, is to unite the most vigorous and effectual executive power with the broadeft and moft guarded freedom to the individual, having all the efficacy of a monarchy, and the liberty of a democracy. He vindicated his conduct with regard to the American war, and denied that the calamities of the nation were imputable to him. He reprobated the indirect manner in which the honourable baronet had chosen to attack him, and challenged a public enquiry into the conduct of his adminiftration in the following words, too remarkable from an ex-minifter in his lordship's fituation to be omitted. "But, Sir, I defire, once for all, that gentlemen will defift from thofe unfounded affertions, that I was the author of thofe calamities. If they are of that opinion, let them come forward with a charge; I am ready to meet it; I call for it; nay, Sir, I demand it as a right. Sir, there can be no reafon for withholding If I was protected before, I am not protected now. Sir, the minifter has every thing that can enable him to carry on the profecution against me; he has a Houfe of Commons to accufe, he has a Houfe of Lords to judge, he is mafter of all the written evidence againft me: and as to parole teftimony, those who were my friends, thofe who were in my fecrets, thofe whom I received into my utmoft confidence, from whom I concealed nothing, are now the friends of the right honourable gentleman; and I dare fay their love of justice, and regard for the public, will make them fit and ufeful witneffes upon fuch an occafion. Yet, Sir, with all thefe advantages on the part of the minifter, of accufer, judge, written and parole-teftimony, I do not Thrink from, but court the enquiry. But this I must infift upon, that if the matter is not enquired into, it fhall not be argued upon as if proved."

Mr. Pitt fupported the motion, though he thought it unfeafonable, and repeated his promife of reviving it next feffion. He affirmed that reprefentation was the leading principle in the British government. This principle in the lapfe of time had declined, and its renovation was abfolutely neceffary. But his fpeech was pointed chiefly againft Lord North, on whom he was more than ufually fevere. He asked him whether we were not burthened with many additional millions of debt, in confequence of the lamentable and execrable American war, commenced with injuftice, and conducted with abfurdity, involving in it quarrels with the great powers on the continent, without a fingle friend or ally to affift us.

Mr. Fox alfo fupported the motion. The idea of innovation ought to excite no alarm, for what was the hiftory of our conftitution, but an hiftory of innovations? He gave his opinion for fhortening the duration of parliaments,, and urged many reafons, arifing from the nature of the prefent crifis, in favour of fuch an amendment.

After a tedious repetition of the old arguments from feveral other members, Lord Mulgrave moved the previous queftion, and perfifting in it, notwithftanding the entreaties of Mr. Pitt to the contrary, the Houfe divided, and Mr. Sawbridge's motion was loft by a majority of 74.

June 17. Lord Effingham called the attention of the Lords to the present ftate of the prifons, which, he said, were crowded in an amazing manner with infolvent debtors. It was not his intention to propofe any fpecific plan for their relief, but to point out the neceffity of fome alteration in the laws, which the fullness of the jails and the number of infolvent bills which it had been expedient from time to time to pafs, clearly demonftrated inadequate to the purpofes for which they had been framed. He divided the infolvents into three claffes, the fraudulent, the prodigal, and the unfortunate; and thought a plan might be formed to adminifter juftice more impartially, according to their different degrees of guilt, and prevent fuch a

number

number of useful manufacturers from being cooped up within the walls of a prifon, to the detriment of the country, and the difgrace of humanity. For this purpofe, he moved that a committee be appointed to examine into the prefent ftate of our different jails.

Lord Thurlow regretted as much as the noble lord to fee the jails fo much crowded, and was ready to fupport any plan that fhould promife an adequate remedy. But in a nation like our's, he thought it a delicate fubject. It was impoffible for a commercial country to exist without credit, and it was, therefore, the bufinefs of the legislature to fupport that credit as much as poffible. To expunge imprisonment for debt might injure credit, for the debtor might be more tenacious of his property, by not having a kind of punifhment hanging over the head of his debtor, to inftigate him to fulfill his contract. The law was fimilar in every commercial country in Europe; it had never been thought expedient to adopt any other, and he was apprehenfive it would be a dangerous experiment. He did not think that to appoint a committee would be of any utility, as were there only an hundred cafes to come under their infpection, he doubted their being able to difcriminate between the unfortunate man and the knave.

The motion was rejected. June 18. The royal affent was given to the American trade bill.

The Houfe of Commons went into a committee on the navy eftimates, which were the fame in all refpects with thofe voted by the last parliament, making in all about 718,000!. befide which 100,000l. was refolved for repairing the different dock-yards in the kingdom.

Mr. Alderman Newnham made a motion for the repeal of the receipt tax. This he did in compliance with the instructions of his conftituents, who, he faid, were willing to pay their proportion to any other tax that fhould be fubftituted for it, but confidered this tax as vexatious, and injurious to trade. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox defended the tax. Its produce already exceeded 100,000l. a-year, and was daily in

creafing. To repeal a tax fo productive, fo equal, and so easy in its burthen, at a time when new taxes must be impofed, and when we had no refources to wafte, was what the country could not afford. The motion was negatived, only twenty-nine members voting for the repeal.

June 21. The House refolved itfelf into a committee, to take into con fideration the report from the committee on fmuggling. The Chancellor of the Exchequer animadverted on the alarming extent to which this practice had been carried in many articles, but more particularly in tea, in which the illicit trade was more than double the legal. It appeared from good autho rity that from twelve to thirteen millions of pounds were confumed annually in this kingdom, though no more than 5,500,000lb. were fold annually by the Eaft-India Company. As a remedy for this evil, the committee had recommended to lower the duties on tea fo much, as to remove the temptation to fmuggle, which propofal he meant to adopt. But as the revenue could not afford to fuffer any diminution, it would be neceffary to raife as much money by a new tax as would be loft by lowering the duties on tea. The amount of the prefent duties was between 7 and 800,000l. and it was his intention to reduce it to 169,000l. fo that there would be a falling-off of at least 600,000l. per annum. computed the rifque and expences of fmuggling at 401. per cent. at leaft, and ftated his plan to be, to take off all the excise duties on tea, and impose a custom duty of 121. 10s. per cent. ad valorem on Bohea, 251. on Souchong, 30l. on Singlo, 351. on Hyfon, and 401. on Congou. The tax to be fubtituted was a tax on windows, by which he expected to raise 700,cool. He entered into the detail of this tax, and endeavoured to fhew that it would not only increase the public revenue, but be lefs burthenfome to individuals than the high duties on tea. The EaftIndia Company would also be benefited in an eminent degree, for they would find a vent for thirteen millions of pounds of tea instead of $5,500,000.

He

They

They would be enabled to take up twenty additional fhips, and would find employment for 2000 additional feamen, a circumftance in itself of great national importance. It might be objected, that the Company, having the market exclufively to themfelves, might take advantage of the monopoly, and raife the price of tea. But this it would not be their intereft to do, fince it would revive the temptation to finuggle, which it was now their with to take away. However, not to truft to their difcretion, if ever the price of tea at the Company's fales fhould exceed a given standard, he propofed to open all the ports of the kingdom for the importation of tea from the continent. He concluded by moving a number of refolutions for taking off the old duties, and impofing the new; and alfo the different taxes on the different claffes of houses.

Mr. Pitt's calculations were not altogether fatisfactory, but his plan in general was well received, and the principle of it was univerfally approved. The chief objections to it feemed to be that it was to fubftitute an arbitrary for an optional tax, and that thofe who do not ufe tea would be fubjected to a new tax, without being exempted from an old one. The refolutions paffed the committee without oppofition.

June 22. Agreed to the report of the committee on the window and tea duties.

Mr. Orde, fecretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, moved for leave to bring in a bill to regulate the poftage of letters from perfons in office between that kingdom and Great-Bri

tain.

June 23. Mr. Dempiter rofe to make his promifed motion, refpecting the finances of Great-Britain, its commerce, navigation, and fisheries. He ftated the funded debt at 238,000,0ccl. the unfunded at 38,000,000l. the winding up of the war expences with 9,000,cool.of navy bills at 22,000,00cl. in all 200,000,000l. the intereft of which amounted to 14,000,000l. and exceeded the national eftate, including the land and malt taxes, and the whole

of the finking fund, by 800,000l. ayear. It was, he faid, the business of the miniftry to endeavour to diminish this enormous capital, or the country muft fink under its preffure. He ftrongly recommended Doctor Price's fcheme of raising a furplus of a million annually, and appropriating it to that purpofe; by which, and converting the three per cents. into four, 267 millions might be difcharged in fixty years; and from the calculations of Baron Maferes, it appeared, that if at the distance of twenty years we should be obliged to interfere with this appropriated fum, the progress made in that time would be fufficient to complete our redemption, by the intereft of the fum paid off. Whenever fuch a fcheme, however, took place, he expected that it would be under the management of trustees, and not left to the fluctuating operations of the Treafury. As a means of raifing this furplus, his next object was the_fitheries on the north of Scotland. It was aftonishing to all Europe, that the Dutch thould annually draw an im menfe profit from that fource of national wealth which lay neglected and uncultivated by the owners. From the number of perfons thrown out of em. ployment by the late peace, and the numbers that would be left without honeft means of fubfiftence by the fuppreffion of contraband trade, we were prefented with the most favourable op portunity of eftablishing that branch of trade. All thefe might be creditably and ufefully employed in the fisheries. He wished alfo to have the whole fyftem of navigation and commerce reviewed. It was hardly to be credited how much improvement might be introduced into this great fource of public revenue. An object of fuch magnitude, and involving fuch a variety of interefts, required a conftant attention and repair. The various fees of fhipping in the friths and rivers of North-Britain, he obferved, had been a continual complaint for years, which he hoped would be no longer overlooked. He concluded, by moving, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the fources of the national

finances,

finances, the ftate of the British fisheries, navigation, and commerce; to confider of more effectual means for their improvement and extenfion, and to report the fame to the House.

Sir Peter Burrel feconded the motion. Mr. Pitt affented to the propriety of enquiring into the condition and refources of the country, and of calling forth those resources in the moft rigorous manner. He did not view the ftate of our affairs with an eye of defpondency, nor was he inclined to think it fo unfavourable as it appeared from Mr. Dempfter's reprefentation. He expreffed great confidence in the finking fund. He was of opinion that the motion embraced too many objects to be efficient, and recommended to reftrict the inquifition to a fingle object. The fisheries, for example, would conftitute a fubject of enquiry that might be eafily accomplished during the prefent feffion.

Mr. Huffey corroborated Mr. Dempfter's ftatement of the finances, and thought the public creditors ought to contribute to eafe the burthens of the public. In a word, that a tax ought to be laid on the funds. This called up Mr. Pitt again. He would never confent to diminish the intereft or capital of the public creditor. He would not even accept of fuch an offer, if it were voluntarily made on the part of the ftockholders, because he was con

vinced that nothing could be more effential to what is technically called the credit of the ftate, but alfo to its honour and character, than a ftrict adherence to all national engagements.

The motion paffed for an enquiry into the ftate of the fisheries only."

Mr. Eden complained of the evafion of the taxes on carriages and fervants. Of feven millions of inhabitants which Great-Britain was fuppofed to contain, only forty thoufand fervants were paid for. He, therefore, moved for lifts of all perfons who had paid duties for carriages and fervants in the years 1781, 1782, and 1783; and of all perfons who had difcontinued paying such taxes within that period.

A converfation then took place on Philip's petition for a premium in confideration of difclofing the compofition of his powders for deftroying infects in bread on boa d his Majefty's fhips. In a former feffion he had prayed for 3600l. but had now lowered his demand to 1600l. Several naval officers fpoke to the efficacy of the powders, while others attempted to controvert it. The matter was re

ferred to a committee.

The Houfe then went into a committee, to confider of the ftate of the foap and rope manufactures in Glafgow, and to make fuch alterations in the laws as might be found neceffary.

letter, dated the 11th inftant, and cordially congratulate you upon the pleafing profpect of fuccefs to thofe exertions, which have been as exemplary as the object is important. A more important object, indeed, never agitated the human mind! It involves in it the caufe of public virtue, of civil and religious liberty, and bids fair to fecure whatever can be valuable in the fight of nations, or of individuals, to your felves and your pofterity for ever.

I esteemed myself highly honoured by the letter which I received by order of your refpectable committee in lait Auguft. I esteem myfelf much more fo by your favourable acceptance of my communications; of which I can fay with truth, that they proceeded from a LOND. MAG. July, 1784.

devoted to your caufe.

I have no doubt but that many individuals in your late convention gave up their own private opinions, from the beit motives, in deference to what they judged most likely to prove the prevailing opinions of the country. You have had many difficulties to ftruggle with-you have acted a moft glorious part-may that good Providence, which hath hitherto favoured your exertions, continue to direct them, untill you fhall have accomplished your honourable purpofe, until you fhall have gratified the laudable defire of conveying the ineftimable bleffings attendant upon a well-conftructed form of civil government to remoteft generations! I rejoice in the firm and manly declarations of the counties, C

&c.

&c. in fupport of the refolutions of Dungannon; they will doubtless add force irrefiftible to thofe refolves. Over external influence you have already triumphed-and what internal power can oppofe itself to the general voice of a people determined to be free?

In this interval, between the prefent moment and the General Convention, while many questions lie before the public in a state of indecifion, I cannot reftrain myfelf from offering my fentiments upon certain points, which were more fightly touched upon in my former letters than their importance required. If the opinions to which I have been fo long partial be unfounded, they will be justly difregarded-if they be agreeable to right reafon, the difcuflion of them cannot be unfeafonable, and may poffibly anfwer fome good purpose.

Whether the fpecific mode of a parliamentary reform, which it may appear reasonable for public wifdom to adopt, originate with the people or their prefent reprefentatives, is not a queftion merely fpeculative-upon its juft folution, in my idea, is founded every rational expectation of fuccefs.

Common fenfe instructs us, and the experience of human life confirms its dictates, that, in ordinary occurrences, the party immediately aggrieved is best qualified to itate the injuries it fuffers, and to explain the nature of the required redrefs. It is also of confequence in the prefent argument to reflect, that the question refpecting a reform of the Houfe of Commons is not merely a queftion of expedience, but of right.

It is the very effence of a Commons' Houfe of parliament, that it faithfully exprefs the voice of the Commons. In confequence of the prefent imperfect conftitution of that Houte, the direct contrary is the fact. It does not exprefs the voice of the Commons-and it does exprefs, either jointly or alternately, the voice of the aristocracy, and the inclinations of the crown.

The reafon of fuch deviation from its primary function is as obvious as the fact. The Commons' Houfe of parliament is not elected by the Commons. A Imall portion of the Commons under the most evident influence is its prefent conftituent; and even this fmall portion exercifes its elective franchife only once in eight years.

In these circumftances the mode of redress is plain and fimple. The prefent delegation ceafing to answer its evident intention-the eflential rights of the third eftate being fubtracted *— with the parties immediately concerned and injured it lies to concert the requifite measures for their reftitution.

It appears equally clear, that the proper mode of giving efficacy to their wishes and refolutions is, THE WITH HOLDING OF THE SUPPLIES. If the denial of right to every male inhabitant, not difqualified by mental imbecility or criminal conduct, be the injury, the restoration of the right of univerfal fuffrage is the remedy. If the deviation from the ancient ufage to the

octennial exercife of the elective franchife be both impolitic and injurious, the recovery of the right of annual elections is the only fatisfactory redrefs. If the question being fairly propofed, the Commons of Ireland fhall acquiefce for the prefent in the recovery of lefs than their undoubted right with refpect to universal fuffrage, themfelves and their pofterity are the parties immediately interested; and, therefore, the collective body of the Commons in this, as well as in the former inftances, can alone give fanction to the reform.

I am, therefore, decidedly of opinion, that it is the intereft, the right, and the duty of the Commons, by themfelves, or their delegates, exprefsly appointed for the purpose, to ftate the injury, and to exhibit a specific plan for its redress.

The prefent Houfe of Commons, by the nature of its conftitution, has not the power, and I am fatisfied the majority has not the will.

Provided, however, thefe points are thoroughly understood, and are fufficiently declared-provided also a specific plan be formed by the enfuing Convention, publifhed and avowed by the counties, &c. AS THE RIGHTFUL DEMAND OF THE PEOPLE, and its proper fanction to be acknowledged to confift in their confent, its paflage through the prefent House may not be liable to any material objection. But this is far from being neceffary, as I have elsewhere endeavoured to demonftrate.

It was the charge of Sir George Savile againft an English Houfe of Commons-a charge avowed in its prefence with that manly fpirit which has ever diftinguished his conduct, THAT

IT HAD BETRAYED ITS CONSTITUENTS.

From what evidences hitherto afforded to the public are we authorifed to conclude, that their fucceffors are actuated by more honourable motives? Can it for a moment be fuppofed poffible that the prefent Houfe of Commons in either kingdom will feriously promote the withes of the people? The intereft to which the majority of the members owe their election—the influence to which they are fubject-will ever be apparent in their conduct. Hence, at once, are evident the neceffity of a reform in the reprefentation of the people, and the propriety of the prefent movements, for the purpose of carrying fuch reform into effect. A delegation like that appointed to meet upon the 10th of next month will, I have no doubt, be faithful to its truft. I am happy in being able to add, that it will read its line of duty, and trace the path of real glory in the firft, the fecond, the ninth, and fifteenth refolution of the Ulfter Volunteers. At the enfuing convention it will alfo in all probability be debated, how far it may be expedient to reftore the rights of citizenship to your Roman Catholic brethren.

The pofition, that a difference of opinion upon matters merely religious ought not to be pleaded as a reafon for the fubtraction of natural or civil rights, has always appeared to me decifively