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Like rumors were rife concerning Galway and other places, at several periods, but there seems to have been no guod foundation for any of them. In 1743, when such a rumor prevailed, a privy councillor proposed that a massacre of the Irish Catholics should be made, on the ground that, by the rising of 1641, that community had put themselves out of the pale of civilization, and ought to be destroyed."

James III. and his son were most anxious to keep up their party in Ireland. The officers of the brigade were much courted by them, and the new commissions came chiefly through their hands. The popes, adopting a similar policy, constantly consulted James on the appointment of the Irish bishops. For fifty years after the treaty of Limerick, no mitre was conferred without the concurrence of the Stuarts.t Thus the Irish on the continent, as well clerics as soldiers, were kept in close connection with the old dynasty.

The population remaining at home, after the open violation of the treaty, began to look with eagerness for the return of a Catholic sovereign, who, it was hoped, would be made wise by adversity, and would do them justice. Although a dull and sullen silence reigned over the greater part of the island, the minds of men were far from settled. In the mountainous districts, as the Mourne, the Wicklow and Carlow Highlands, and the mountains of Tipperary and Kerry, there still remained bands of the old guerillas of 1688, known as “Rapparees” — men generally the descendants of good families, whose estates had suffered confiscation, and who had nothing further to fear from outlawry. Even in this wild life, they usually retained the bearing of well-born men, and often exercised a chivalrous protectorate over the poor and the injured. In a state of imperfect intercourse and police, they had a thousand opportunities for displays of tact and courage; and if half the traditions of

* More's Captain Rock, p. 140. Longman's 5th edition, London, 1824.

† Pope Benedict XIV., about the year 1757, discontinued this usage.

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them are true, they displayed many qualities worthy of the highest admiration.

The first Rapparees, by King James's reports, had made their mark on the open field before they took to the hills. “One O'Connor,” a Kildare Rapparee, “with

. sixty men on horseback, and as many on foot, surprised two companies of grenadiers, whom they cut to pieces, then went to Phillipstown, where they killed one hundred and twenty dragoons, burned the town, and carred away a great booty of horse." * This was in midwinter, 1691. Another "Rapparee,” Anthony O'Carroll, surnamed “the Tall,” took and held, during 1690 and 1691, the castle and town of Neuagh, and when obliged to vacate it, brought with him five hundred men, in good order, to Limerick.f William's chaplain and historiographer confesses, frankly enough, the activity of the Rapparees. “ They are not to be kept in their own province, Connaught,] but can both keep us out, and also come among us whenever they have a mind to it!" }

Among the best remembered of the successors of these gallant guerillas are O'Keefe and Callaghan, in Munster; Higgins, Grace, and the galloping O’Hogan, in the western and midland counties; O'Dempsey and Kavanagh, (“the White Sergeant,"') in Leinster. These were all men of some military experience, and of ancient family, who are not to be confounded with the

leaders of the agrarian societies formed about the middle I of the century. The malice of party has endeavored to

stigmatize them as cutthroats and highwaymen, but the contemporaneous facts entitle the Irish Rapparees to rank with the guerillas of Spain and the gallant outlaws of every defeated nationality; with Wallace and Tell, and Scanderberg and Marion, they are entitled to stand; on the same ground, and in the same light of impartial history.

Besides the brigade, the clergy, the peasantry, and the Rapparees, there was another body of Jacobites not to be

* King James's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 433. + Harris's Life of King William, p. 297.

Story's Impartial History, vol. ii. p. 147.

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forgotten — the poets and ballad singers. They were the 5 newsmen” and censors of their time

a large and various class, ranging from the accomplished gentleman, who, like Fitzgerald, paraphrased Horace, or like McDonald, of Claragh, translated Homer into Gaelic, down to the poor performer and worse versifier who earned his “bit and sup” by nightly concerts in the village tavern.

Chanting a tongue strange to their oppressors, but not beyond the chance of detection, they threw all their political poems into an allegorical form. At one time “ the pretender” was a blackbird,” pining in a foreign cage, and sorely troubled, though waited on by lords and ladies ; at another, “ a little dark man;” sometimes Ireland, personified as a fairy, appeared to the poet, wailing and refusing to be comforted, while her beloved was far away:

My priests are banished, my warriors wear

No longer victory's garland;
And my child, my son, my beloved heir,

Is an exile in a far land."* In other moods, a girl sings of her banished lover, and declares her belief that he will return from France to vindicate her cause against cruel and oppressive relatives; or the poet addresses his country in the guise of a dear mistress, assuring her of his constancy, and foretelling happier days to come:

“Rise up, my boy! make ready

My horse, for I forth would ride
To follow the modest damsel

That dwells on the green hill's side;
For e'er since our youth were we plighted

In faith, troth, and wedlock true.
0, she's sweeter to me, ten times over,

Than organ or cuckoo !Another bard declares his constancy still more significantly:

a

“I'll leave my people, both friend and foe;
From all the girls in the world I'll go;
But from you, sweetheart, O, never! O, no !
Till I lie in the coffin, stretched cold and low !”

* Mangan's Trans. in Duffy's Ballad Poetry of Ireland. Dublin, 1846.

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More homely, but not less popular, was he who typified pastoral Ireland in a dun cow," with a face like a rose, and a dewlap of snow.” To her the Irish farmer tells his griefs without restraint. He questions her as to her old friends, and answers in the same stanza,

“Ah, Drimin Dhu deelish, a pride of the flow; *
Ah, where are your folks are they living, or no?
They're down in the ground, 'neath the sod lying low,

Expecting King James with the crown on his brow.” Leaving them, he speaks of himself, and declares :

“ But if I could get sight of the crown on his brow,
By night and day travelling, to London I'd go;
Over mountains of mist, and soft mosses below,

Till I'd beat on the kettle drums, Drimin Dhu, O!” Not content with loving allegories, the house of Hanover and their chief partisans were satirized under various fanciful symbols, all of which, of course, a gesture or a sign made perfectly intelligible to the audience, who had the pieces hot from the composer's lips, in a speech common to both.

The most notable of the Jacobite bards were Carolan, (born in Meath in 1670, died in 1731,) McDonnell, of Claragh, in Cork, (born in 1691, died 1754,) O'Sullivan, of Kerry, (born about the beginning of the eighteenth century, died 1784.) Carolan excelled as a musician more than as a poet, while McDonnell and O'Sullivan possessed the true poetic fire, and knew how to cultivate and subject it to the rules of art. A vast procession, bearing laurels, or something very like laurel, follows behind these masters of Irish song. The number it is impossible to count, or the precise merit of each to distinguish. We can only estimate their merit from the scanty translations that have been made, and their numbers from the accounts of the two great “bardic sessions," periodically held at Charleville, in Cork, and Burrin, in Limerick. At these assemblies, between one and two hundred composers of words, or airs, attended annually, till within ten years of the end of the century. The Ulster session held at Belfast, in 1792, numbered threescore.

* Ferguson's Trans. McCarthy's Book of Irish Ballads.

This species of Jacobite organization, while very hard to be got at by the new dynasty, was of very little avail to the old. It served rather to keep alive than to increase or direct the expectation of change. Though irritating in detail to “ the Brunswickers,” it was powerless in the aggregate. It had in fact no aggregate. Yet its history illustrates a truth that we have often perceived evidences of elsewhere, which is, that those who administer and those who oppose a government are equally apt to overrate each other's power. The governors, being within the edifice, see where it is vulnerable, and become nervously anxious; the assailants, looking at that imposing outside, are often overawed by an appearance of strength, which is only an appearance.

Thus, in 1715, when the partisans of James “the Third” partially rose in arms at Preston and in Scotland, all the registered priests in Ireland were ordered to be arrested and transported beyond seas; all the chapels, or “mass houses,” were ordered to be shut up, though there was not the least symptom of insurrection at the time.

It was the custom once to urge, as very creditable to

Irish loyalty,” that our Jacobites did not rise en masse, or at least attempt a diversion, in 1715. The fact seems to be, that they were unable to rise. Without chiefs, or organization, or arms, what could they do but wait for events, as they did? The Rapparees were dying out, and all the candidates for military life had sailed away

A few Irish officers did join in the Scottish rising of 1715, but they were chiefly from the continent. Some of them, like Chevalier Wogan, suffered imprisonment, were liberated, and returned to foreign service.

The house of Brunswick was placed on the throne, in accordance with the laws regulating “the Protestant succession.” The first of them - George I., the son of the electress Sophia, granddaughter to James I., was bred a Catholic, but apostatized in view of the English throne. He stood fourth in descent from the first Stuart, who ruled over the three kingdoms, and consequently combined in his own person the traditions and the blood

as wild geese.

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