bar being rather oblique, with the end elevated, and in the upright stroke of the L elevated a little above the adjoining letters, approach the rustic form. The first letter, s, is ill formed, with the lower half larger than the upper, agreeing in this respect with the initial s in the Paulinus inscription, published in this Journal, ii., Third Series, p. 249. The third letter, G, formed of a semicircle, with a short oblique tail, scarcely extending below the line; and the м in the second line, with the first and last strokes splaying outwards, are the only ones which offer any peculiarity, and in these respects they agree with many of the oldest Roman monu

ments.

"Hence, were we not guided by the formula, the comparative rudeness of the letters, and the fact of the inscription being carved lengthwise along the stone, we might refer this inscription to the Roman period, so complete is the absence of those minuscule forms of letters which occur in most of the Welsh inscriptions, and of which an instance may be seen in the Euolenus stone, ante, p. 56, and which indicate a later period, when, as in most of the Glamorganshire stones, scarcely any of the letters retained the capital Roman form. Under these circumstances I think we are warranted in assigning a date to the present inscription not long after the departure of the Romans, whilst the writing still remained unmodified by a communion either with the Irish or Anglo-Saxon scribes.

"Oxford, February, 1860."

"J. O. WESTWOOD.

Mr. Westwood, on examining the inscription itself, has thus given it as his opinion that the palæographical character of the letters is such as corresponds to the period when the British prince mentioned above is supposed to have flourished. We think, therefore, that the full value of these facts will not fail of being appreciated. We have here a stone which we may, upon palæographical grounds, consider of the fourth or fifth century; and it bears names which may be assigned to British princes, who are said to have flourished at that very period. The Romano-British inscription on its face is translated on its edge into the occult Oghamic alphabet, with a few literal variations such as would be natural for an Irish translator to make. The Oghams, therefore, are either contemporaneous with the inscription, or not long posterior to it; and thus may both be pretty fairly considered as fixed in date between the extreme limits of a century, viz., a.d. 400—a.d. 500.

We now proceed to explain the inscriptions themselves. That in Romano-British capitals, all easily decipherable, runs thus ;

SAGRANI FILI CVNOTAMI

That in Oghamic characters, read from the bottom upwards, and from left to right (for such is Professor Graves's theory), runs thus;— SAGRAMNI MAQI CVNATAMI

It was to be expected that an Irish translator would, according

to the analogy of inscriptions in his own country, use the word MAQ or MAC (the equivalent of the Cymric MAB) for the Latin FILIVS,— and so we find it.

A various reading is occasioned by the introduction of M in the first word, and by the substitution of A for o in the last. These are not philological difficulties; the analogies of the Erse and the Cymric tongues easily account for them. The only real difficulty lay in the absence of the Oghamic mark for A between those standing for M and Q. This occurred just at the point where a crack had unfortunately taken place. To most observers it would have seemed as if this mark did not exist; but, by following up the hint given by Professor Graves, and by use of a magnifying glass, the existence of a small circular depression on the edge-cut in twain by the crack

was satisfactorily established. All the other characters were so distinct as to admit of no doubt. The true reading of Professor Graves's alphabet was verified; and not only so, but the date of a specific example was closely approximated to.

We need not stop to point out the archæological interest which this stone possesses; it seems to be one of the earliest in Wales of the Romano-British type; and its probable date will henceforth help us in conjecturing the age of other inscriptions, in which the same palæographic characteristics are met with.

It remains only to add that, with the concurrence of our Association, the Rev. H. J. Vincent, who is one of our Local Secretaries for Pembrokeshire, is about to take steps for removing the stone, either to the interior of the parish church, or to some other place where it will be more certainly preserved that it now can be,-reclining, as it does, amid mantling ivy-"half embraced and half retiring"-against a mossy, fern-grown bank in his own beautiful garden.

THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF FLORENCE MAC CARTHY.

BY DANIEL MAC CARTHY (GLAS), ESQ.

(Continued from Vol. II., page 384.)

SIR ROBERT CECYL, who had attentively studied the character of his royal mistress, has left it on record that the affairs of Ireland in an especial manner disturbed the composure of the royal mind; and, indeed, at times they were of a nature to ruffle the serenity of the calmest temperament. When the despatches of St. Leger and Norreys, touching the contemptuous marriage of Florence Mac

Carthy, reached the English cabinet, a Tudor hurricane burst with swift and fierce disaster upon all concerned in it. That the writers of these vexatious papers should themselves have escaped uninjured from the lightnings of that ruthless storm, was probably as much matter of wonder as of joy to themselves; but upon every member of the bridal party in the old broken church, the tempest fell with unmitigated fury. That any man should be found at such a moment to step forward and place himself between the anger of Elizabeth and the feeblest of its victims, is even more gratifying than it is surprising. There was one man in Munster who had the courage and the humanity to do this. It was a man who had long lifted up his voice against tyranny and iniquity in high places; who had, for his own particular, held his even course of justice despite much obloquy and malice;" a man whose loyalty and honour were above attaint; who had suffered many private wrongs from the kinsmen of the prisoners; who had every reason, save a manly feeling of compassion for the helpless, to hold his hand from any petition in the behalf of any of them. To the great honour of Sir William Herbert, he at once applied to the Vice-President in favour of the aged Countess of Clancarty, took upon himself the responsibility of her safe custody, made his own house her prison, and wrote to England the story of the domestic sorrows of that oppressed lady.

"1588. July 12. To the R. HON. SIR F. WALSYNGHAM, K', principal Secretary to Her Most Excel Majestie.

"R Hon: My most humble dewtie premised.

"Since my last letters unto your Honor touchinge the mariage of the Earl of Clin Carrs daughter, thear have bean hear apprehended by Mr. Vice President's direction, beasyde Florence Mak Cartye, whom the Bishop of Corke tooke, The Countes of Clincarr, Mak Finnin, and others, whoe wear all comitted to Castlemayne. Mr. Sprenge, whoe apprehended them, had alsoe warrant for O'Suilivan Moore, whoe then was not in the countrey, but upon his retorne hearinge of it, repayred unto mea, and submitted himsealf to Her Majestye, whereupon I took order with him for his repayr to Mr. Vice President; mysealf having noe further direction for him: but in respect that it was mayde apparant unto mea that the Countes had don nothinge in the matter, but with the priuitea and approbation of the Earl, and that hea now maketh shew of the contrary, and wishethe the Countess troble and ruin, that by her deathe hea might aduance him sealf to som newe mariage, whearbye Her Majestye's right for Remaynder may bea impeatched, I was mooued both in comiseration of the Countesses poore and lamentable estate, and to preuent what I might the euill that mowght insue of her troble, to beacom a Suiter unto the Vicepresident, for the enlardgment of the Countess out of that uile and unholsome place, and that shea might remayne with mea tyll Her Majestye's pleasure wear further known, which it pleased him to grawnt mea, whearof I have thought it my part to aduertise your Honor; conceauing, in my poore opinion, that

the Countess beaynge farr stroken in years, and without hope of childearne wear to bea fauoured, and wheareas she liued in extream misery, hauinge all this last year but 20 nobles allowed her toe mayntayne her sealf, her daughter and famelye, a stipend more likely to starue them then to sarue them, shea by your honorable fauor may haue som portion allowed her of her husband's liuinge to mayntayne hersealfe in som goode sort, beaynge the wyfe, sister, and dawghter of an Earl, euer of verye modest and good demeanure, though matched with one most disorderlye and dissolute.

"Her affirmation touchinge the mariage is this (whitch shea offreth to proue by threa goode witnesses), that shea receaued a letter from the Earl toe repayr toe Corke, and thear to geau creadite to that whitch Patrike Galloway showld from him deliuer unto her, whoe thear gaue her to understande that it was the Earl's pleasure that shea showld send her dawghter ouer into Englande, or if shea thought not goode to doe soe, shea showld mary her daughter to Florence Mak Carty, and receau of him a band for the payment of toe or threa hundred pownde to the Earl of Clin Karr in England: to the whitch she answeared that shea was willinge to send her daughter to Englande if thear had been any moneys sent ouer to furnish, or any fytt to attend her, or if any Gentleman of creadite had written that, at her cominge ouer, hea woolde haue had care of her; but to My Lorde of Clinkarrs care, soe unfurnished, and unprouided, shea durst not comitt her, and thearfore enclined to the oother cowrs, the Earl puttinge it to her choyce: she protesteth that shea neuer harde that Her Majestye had forbidden the mariage, but had only denied to pass to them the lande. Hearof I thought goode to advertice your Honor, and that since this mariage I understand of another in hand no less dangerous, betwean Sir Owen O'Suilevan's daughter, beaynge the Lorde of Bear hauen, and one Donell Mak Cartye, the Earl of Clincarrs bass soñe, whom the inhabitants of Desmonde much affect; hea is the only man in theas toe cowntres that leadeth a loose, disloyall lyfe, shonninge all officers, and standinge upon his garde with some few folowers, though doynge noe oother harme; it wear very requisite hea wear taken; thear is goode matter to bea objected agaynst him to cut him off, he will ells in tyme bread some troble; for in the first discents Bastardie is no impediment, and hea is a person both willinge and able to doe mischeaf. I haue euer bean of opinion that hea was to bea apprehended; the Vice President howldeth another cours.

"It was prouidently layde down in Her Majestye's articles for the inhabitation of this prouince, that noe undertaker showld haue any bands of sowldiers in pay: I woolde it wear as well obsearued. I fear thear are, that to continew themselves in pay, can bea content to continew the province in troble, and I wonder it is soe quiett; for on the one syde the Gentlemen beaynge stroken, euill intreated, and abused, outrageous woordes and violent deads ryfe and comon towards all sorts of the Irish, on the oother syde the Vice President's sowldiers suffered to goe up and down the countrey, taking of mete and drinke and money for themselves and theyr woomen and boys uppon the poore people; it seameth unto mea the ready way to make the Irish weary of theyr loyaltie and of their lyues. My sealf, accordinge to Her Majesty's directions, and to my most bownden dewtie howldinge an upright cours of justice, without respect of persons or nations, and endeauouring thearby to reduce theas parts