who endeavoured to give advantage to their common enemy, by creating misunderstandings amongst Protestants.* When the Earl of Wharton prorogued the parliament on the 30th of March, 1709, he told them, that he made no question, but that they understood too well the true interest of the Protestant religion in that kingdom, not to endeavour to make all such Protestants as easy as they could, who were willing to contribute what they could to defend the whole against the common enemy. It was not the law then passed, nor any law that the wit of man could frame, would secure them against Popery, whilst they continued divided amongst themselves. It being demonstrable, that unless there be a firm friendship and confidence amongst the Protestants of that kingdom, it was impossible for them either to be happy or to be safe. And he was directed to declare to them, as her majesty's fixed resolution, that as her majesty would always maintain and support the church as by law established, so it was her royal will and intention, that the Dissenters should not be persecuted nor molested in the exercise of their religion. The Dissenters were originally displeased, and had petitioned against the clause for the sacramental test; and now the act, in which it was introduced, having been explained and amended without any attention to their interest, the lord lieutenant substituted fair promises and specious words for that substantial relief, which either the power or the will was wanting to procure for them. The marked contrast in the lord lieutenant's speech between the favourable disposition of government towards the Protestant Dissenters and their austerity towards the Roman Catholics, flattered the Dissenters; and the lord lieutenant had the address to keep them * 2 Com. Journ. p. 494. † 2 Journ. Lords, p. 316. An act for explaining and amending an Act intituled An Act to prevent the further Growth of Popery. Thomas, Earl of Wharton, was a man of notorious profligacy, but of great address, and no inconsiderable share of talent. The likeness of his portrait, left us by Swift, has never been questioned, though considered by some as too strongly tinctured with party prejudice. It was however taken from life, and with the advantage of personal intimacy. "He had imbibed his father's prin"ciples in government (he was a rigid Presbyterian), but dropt his religion, and "took up no other in its stead: excepting that circumstance, he is a firm Pres"byterian. He contracted such large debts, that his brethren were forced, out of mere justice, to leave Ireland at his mercy, where he had only time to set "himself right. He is very useful in parliament, being a ready speaker, and content to employ his gift upon such occasions, where those who conceive "they have any remainder of reputation or modesty are ashamed to appear." History of the Four last Years of Queen Anne. What Dr. Sommerville said of the English Dissenters not opposing the English Test Act in 1673, will be found pointedly applicable to the conduct of their Irish brethren upon the introduction of the Sacramental Test in 1709. "This concession of the Protestant Dissenters has been often applauded by "their friends, as a singular example of prudence and generosity; because quiet, in the delusive expectation of being eased of this galling restriction in a future session, when it might be done with less umbrage to the numerous body of Roman Catholics. The cordial sympathy of this House of Commons, with their profligate governor, is one melancholy illustration, amongst many, of the estrangement of the Irish parliament from the welfare of the Irish people. On the 26th of August, 1709, the commons presented a most obsequious address to the lord lieutenant, in which they assured him," that they gratefully acknowledged her "majesty's more particular care of them in appointing his ex"cellency their chief governor, whose equal and impartial ad"ministration gave them just reason to hope, and earnestly wish "his long continuance in the government." The reign of Queen Anne was a chequered scene of political variance, according to the predominancy of the favourite party. It established also a most important, though a much unheeded principle of observation, which the impartial investigator of the Irish annals cannot lose sight of. The numerical body of the people having been effectually excluded from taking an active part in the affairs of the nation, every important or embarrassing question, that has arisen between Great Britain and Ireland, affecting the political situation of the two nations from the Revolution to the accession of his present majesty, has been as completely cleared and debarassed of any interference, interest, "they sacrificed their rights and resentments to the dread of impending Po"pery, and the security of the reformed religion. Their conduct upon this "occasion, whether examined by the rules of probity, or the dictates of en"lightened charity, will be found deserving of explicit and marked expres"sions of condemnation. Professing to guard against Popery, did not the "Dissenters act under the influence of its worst principles ? Did they not "abandon their rights, as men and as Christians? Rights, the renunciation of "which, for a single day, no fear of danger, nor prospect of future peace, can "justify at the tribunal of conscience. The event of Providence has instruct"ed us, by this, and every similar experiment, to reprobate the imprudence, as well as the immorality of the maxim, that it is lawful to do evil when "good may be obtained by it. A bill brought in for the relief of the Pro"testant Dissenters, as the reward of their consent to the Test Act, was defeat"ed by the disagreement of the two houses, and the adjournment of parliament. "And thus the temporizing spirit of the Dissenters transmitted bondage to "their posterity, which the liberality of the age in which we live never could "have imposed; but from which even that liberality is not adequate to eman"cipate them, while it is counteracted by religious bigotry, and the timid "policy of those who dispense the favours of government." 1 Sommerville, p. 24. * Dean Swift, even before the death of this nobleman, said of him: "He "has sunk his fortune by endeavouring to ruin one kingdom, and hath raised it by going far in the ruin of another. His administration of Ireland was "looked upon as a sufficient ground to impeach him at least for high crimes "and misdemeanors; yet he has gained by the government of that kingdom "under two years 450001. by the most favourable computation, half in the "regular way, and half in the prudential,” † 2 Comm. Journ. p. 631. or influence of the body of Irish Roman Catholics, as if they had no actual existence. All national differences, complaints, and grievances have been from Protestants to Protestants. The peculiar grievances of that body never reached the ear or touched the heart of their sovereign, till the fostering dawn of protection opened upon them from the parental sympathies of his present majesty. It is a political paradox, though an historical truth, that in the agitation of every national question during the last century, the sense, the interest, or the influence of the majority of the nation, have not thrown the weight of a scruple into the scales. The prevalence of the Tory party in the last four years of Queen Anne, lets in the broadest day-light upon the real grounds of alarm and insecurity, which the English cabinet entertained for the fate of Ireland. They viewed the increasing influence of the Presbyterians with such dread and jealousy, that on the 7th of November, 1711, the lords spiritual and temporal presented an address to her majesty, in which they first complained of the Earl of Wharton's having abused her majesty's name, in ordering nolle prosequis to stop proceedings against one Fleming, and others, for disturbing the peace of the town of Drogheda, by setting up a meeting-house, where there had been none for the last twenty-eight years. They represented to her majesty, that those unjust complainers of persecution, whilst themselves enjoyed ease and security, had exercised great severities towards their conforming neighbours, by denying them common offices of humanity, and by threatening and actually ruining several, who, in compliance with their conscience, had left their sect. They complained that the Episcopal order had been by them styled anti-scriptural, the holy and religious worship of the established church called superstitious and idolatrous, and that the legislature itself had been censured by a bold author of theirs, who had published, in print," that the Sacra"mental Test is only an engine to advance a state faction and to "debase religion to serve mean and unworthy purposes." They represented, that amidst repeated provocations, they had been still easy, and had endeavoured by gentle usage to melt them down into a more soft and complying temper; but that all their attempts had proved unsuccessful; that they had returned evil for good; that forbearance had encreased their rage and obstinacy; and that the Northern Presbyteries had, in their zeal for proselytism, sent missionaries into several parts of the kingdom, where they had no call nor any congregations to support them; that by the abuse of the allowance of 1200l. per annum, (granted to them by her majesty for charitable purposes and other means) schism, which had formerly been confined to the North, had then spread itself into many parts of that kingdom. So that they should not be just in their duty to their sovereign or country, if they did not acquaint her majesty with the danger they apprehended from those great advances which Presbytery and Fanaticism had made, which if not checked, they doubted not, would in time end in the destruction of the constitution both in church and state. They submitted therefore to her majesty's wisdom whether it were not proper to put a stop to those growing evils, by withdrawing from them her majesty's bounty of 1200l. per annum. This address fully accounts for the introduction and the non-repeal of the Sacramental Test, notwithstanding the strong partiality and bias of the commons, the Lord Lieutenant Wharton, and other leading Whig characters for the Protestant Dissenters of that day. It is not to be imagined, that these sentiments, which were now under the new ministry publicly avowed, had not long influenced the spirit and disposition of the British government. Insincerity and timidity are generally inseparable. The Queen herself, as well as many who had been in favour and power at Court, professed Whig principles more from policy and interest, than from conviction and inclination. Their public profession of Whiggism bound them to the interest of the commoners and the Protestant Dissenters in Ireland, on account of their determined opposition to Popery, which motive alone was sufficient to sanctify the most cruel, or justify the neglect of the most important and necessary measures. When the real spirit of Toryism had acquired the transcendency, by overturning the Whig adminis tration, the reserve was thrown off, and the prevailing party expressed their real sentiments in strong and unequivocal language. Although the Tories commanded a decided majority in the peers, yet the Whigs still retained a small majority in the commons. Hence those parliamentary differences, so virulently referred to in the lords address to the queen, on the 9th of November, 1711*. They alleged, that sincere veneration for her majesty's royal person and prerogative, and the tender regard they had for the peace and tranquillity of the kingdom, could alone prevail on them thus long to forget the high indignities offered to their house by the commons, and to submit their private injuries to her majesty's more public concerns, lest by their just resentment of their behaviour, when so indus triously provoked, her majesty's affairs might be obstructed, and by those means the malicious designs of evil-minded men rendered effectual. They complained, that the commons had used them in a manner wholly unknown to former parliaments, and had addressed them in language more indecent, more op. * 2 Lords Journ. p. 415. Bb VOL. I. 4 probrious, than was given by another House of Commons, at a time when they voted the House of Lords useless. That however her majesty might justly approve the conduct of the College of Dublin in the late Revolution, still did they humbly` conceive, that her majesty did not extend her bounty to them, to promote (in general) revolution principles. Principles, which as explained by the pamphlets and libels publicly avowed and celebrated by men of factious and seditious tempers, and particularly in a sermon preached on the 30th of January, dedicated to that very House of Commons, without censure or animadversion, did in a great measure maintain and justify the execrable murder of King Charles the First, and on which might be founded any rebellion against her majesty and her successors. They insisted upon their right of construing the words and terms used by the commons in their address, viz. That the commons having in their vote mentioned the steady adherence of the provost and fellows of the College to the late Revolution, as one consideration of their application for the 5000l. since granted by her majesty, the subsequent motive mentioned in that vote, viz. for the encouragement of sound revolution principles, could not in good reason or grammar be referred to the late Revolution; since adherence to the late Revolution was a distinct motive of itself. And it is the known nature of principles, to be as well the rule and guide of future as of past actions. They disclaimed every intention of misrepresenting the commons to her majesty for their own actions: they were to be judged by God and her majesty. But for themselves, they did most solemnly assure her majesty, they were heartily thankful to Almighty God for the late happy Revolution, acknowledging the necessity and justice of it: and that they would, at the utmost hazard and expence of their lives and fortunes, defend, support, and maintain her majesty's sacred person and government, her just prerogative in the choice of her ministers, the Church of Ireland as by law established, and the succession of the crown in the illustrious House of Hanover, against the Pretender, and all those who design revolutions either in church or state, against all her majesty's enemies abroad, and against all Papists, Jacobites, and Republicans at home.* This address of the lords is an indisputable document of the truth of several important facts, which no historian has fairly retailed; but which appear supereminently necessary to be noticed in the development of the remote as well as the proximate causes, which in their time and order have contributed to bring about the grand settlement of the kingdom of Ireland by its incorporate Union with Great Britain. That Protestant ascendency, which the policy of James I. had forced into existence, in order to make head against the * 2 Lords Journ. p. 414, 415. |