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few authorities, and announced children, but the State will that some time in the future only perform this duty when they would develop the scheme the duty is clear that is, in in the contributory direction, really necessitous cases. It is

. Mr Churchill, it is understood, quite a different thing for a has been devoting his talents feckless parent to claim a right to some portentous measure of to have his children fed. It universal, compulsory, State- may be the duty of the State aided thrift. But it will be to provide employment in the powder without the jam, certain cases, but there is no for all the jam has been used right to such assistance in every up already. In a country such man out of work. Now Liberal as ours a measure is not popu- policy has got thoroughly conlar which gives the State the fused between the two points right of interference in a man's of view. It has tried to join private affairs. What is to be State duties and individual thought of the tactics of & rights - two mutual contraGovernment which has, for the dictories - in one unhallowed sake of a transient popularity, union. The old Liberal might surrendered the adjunct which talk of “rights,” but then he might have made such inter- would have nothing to do with ference palatable ?

an interfering State. The man Throughout the whole of who accepts the doctrine of an Liberal social policy there is all - potent State cannot gift one elementary

confusion the citizen with rights against which shows the danger of it. If he does, he will reach patchwork creeds. Happily the paradox that the State this confusion is not yet em- will be compelled to treat bodied in legislation, but it ap- what is its own duty, and pears throughout the speeches therefore within its discretion of the demagogic branch of as a right of the individual, the Cabinet. The old Lib- and therefore outside its diseral believed in a thing which cretion. Policies, of which the he called the rights of the sole defence is that they are individual. The intelligent applicable only at the will of a Socialist cares nothing for competent authority, will be these, but he believes in certain made universal and compulsory, duties for the performance of and therefore nonsensical, which the State is responsible. He wants the State to take There are two paramount over all manner of duties now tasks to - day before an incalled private, but they must telligent Government. One is, be State duties and not in- to think out the true place of dividual rights.

Obviously Socialistic methods in the this change of the centre of British polity, to delimit on gravity makes immense some solid basis of principle difference. It may be the duty the true spheres of the comof the State to feed school munity and the citizen. The





1909.) The Nation" and the Final Argument."

867 second, and in a sense the more flaws in its exposition. What urgent, task is to revise the is the reason for this violent whole machinery of our Con- descent from the old proud stitution. The mechanism is rational Liberalism? The chief breaking down from sheer seems to be the confused notion overwork. Discussion in the of "democracy,”

democracy,” which House of Commons has be- have already mentioned. If

a farce, and a scandal- you regard one lass as the ised nation waits to see what nation, and a majority as the will happen. The problem is final argument, you make a how to combine a new division considered and continuous and delegation of existing policy impossible, and you functions with the establish- make catchpenny pleas the ment of some consultative and only worth troubling executive machinery for the about. The original confusion Empire. To the solution of in turn is increased by the these two questions the new reaction of its results, and the Liberalism has made no con- spectre of the “masses,” omnitribution. In the case of the potent and terribly difficult to first, it has adopted some of understand or please, haunts the least defensible

prin- Liberalism like a nightmare : ciples of doctrinaire Socialism, muddled them a little, and “ As when a Gryphon through the embodied them in legislation,

wilderness, protesting all the while that

With wingéd steps, o'er hill and Socialism is the enemy and Pursues the Arimaspian.”

moory dale, Liberalism its only counteragent. As for the second, the The Arimaspian, we believe, Liberal contribution to con- was one - oyed, which put him stitutional reform is & few at a still greater disadvantage heroics about that overworked with the Gryphon. Let us and creaky machine, the state our point as fairly and House of Commons, and a clearly as possible. The present scheme for making the said Liberal Government contains House, with all its existing conspicuously able departmenblemishes, the one absolute and tal chiefs; but Liberal policy supreme power in the Empire. lacks any kind of systematic

As we have said, we are and coherent meaning. This not discussing Liberalism on or that measure may have some the merits. We grant to justification in good intentions the Government the qualities or in some urgent need, but of sincerity and patriotism. because it springs from It is with the faulty intellec- system of thought it is liable tual equipment of the creed to be self-contradictory, and it that we are concerned—the fact is defended in the House and that it is impossible to find on public platforms by palpably coherent principles at its base, irrational arguments. The old or to avoid finding logical Liberalism may have been far

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narrower in outlook, but it was Duke is saluted on every Libsure of itself, and condescended eral platform with the choicest to an intellectual defence. But Billingsgate. But let a Duke the half - truths of the new lose his temper, as occasionLiberalism have to rely upon ally happens, and say somethe demagogic powers of Mr thing blasphemous about a Lloyd-George and Mr Church- trade - union & labour hill; and in place of the solid leader,-instantly there is a backing of the older creed it scandalised hush in the Libcan look only to the journalism eral press, and then a torrent of men like Mr Chesterton and of protest against such sacriMr Masterman, the laughing lege. It is the authentic style and the weeping philosophers of the sycophant. This novel of this odd faith.

courtiership is not & dignified But, we are told, it is Demo- attitude, and

can well cracy that is speaking, trium- understand that many Liberals phant Democracy, which oares hotly repudiate the charge. nothing for

But the thing is written large “Non in dialectica," runs the on their policy, and is indeed argument in the words of the the inevitable consequence of mediæval saint-"non in dia- the now “democratic” creed. lectica plaouit Deo galvum They cannot escape from it facere populum suum.” Well, once they reject reason as a at its best, this is only a new standard in statesmanship and type of syoophancy. To have discussion. the vices of a courtier one Reason, indeed, is an ill need not toady & monarch. thing to reject, for it is apt In the old days the sycophant to return like a boomerang olung to the skirts of a king and hit the man who cast it or a cardinal, because he saw away. We are on the eve of in him the embodiment of a General Election, when the power. Nowadays it is the whole armoury of demagogic masses who are all - potent, weapons will be brought into and it is the demagogue who use. It will be easy to deliver is the spiritual successor of rhetorioal speeches about freeCarr and Buckingham. What- ing the land for the nation and over the masses desire they making the popular will premust have, though it is in vail: and no doubt they will defiance of reason and justice, have their effect at the polls. to such a pass has fortune But we cannot imagine that brought those who claim to thinking Liberals will be very wear the mantle of Vane and easy in their mind when they Hampden. It is considered see a policy which is proright for a Member of Parlia- fessedly and, we believe, honshreds and patches can hope since the world began. The to repel the compact and log- masses, when they have won, ical dogmas of Socialism? It have won only because they is not the business of Tories had reason fighting for them. to wish well to their opponents, Labour cannot for long coerce but no Tory who believes in capital if capital be in the the party system desires to right, and the power of numsee the other national party bers is apt to crumble suddenly in an unconscious and degrad- before organised intelligence. ing alliance with the common In the second place, we would enemy. No party can endure suggest that our new demowithout principles; and until orats are not really looking at Liberalism foregoes its unintel- the masses at all. Their eyes ligent worship of “democracy,” are filled by the electoral and adopts a more manly machine, and they see the and rational line of thought, worker through the distorting it will remain estranged medium of the election agent. from the serious and thinking We have had great popular element in the nation. We leaders in our history, but would suggest, in conclusion, they have held their places by two considerations for our respecting their followers and opponents. The first is that giving them of their best. Is "Democracy," the class it not possible, we ask, that sense in which it is now used, Liberalism is underrating the has never been triumphant intelligence of the people?



use language about estly anti-Socialist, drawing its peers and landlords which far only logical defence from Socialexceeds the ordinary licence ist principles. We would ask, in of politics. The unfortunate all seriousness, how a creed of



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53 et seq.

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181 et seq.


Army drill, some reforms in, 100 et seq.
Advertisement, use of, in the eighteenth As OTHERS SEE US, 725.
century, 713 et seq. --present-day char: Asquith, Mr, Budget speech of, in reply

acter of, 717-some living examples of to Lord Rosebery, 584 et seq.
self., 719.

Avory, Captain, career of, as a pirate,
Advertisements of “The Spectator,"

the: Being a Study of the Literature, AWAKENING OF AMBROSE ROYLE, THE,
History, and Manners of Queen Anne's 102.
England as they are reflected therein, Aytoun, Professor, collaboration of Sir
as well as an illustration of the Origins Theodore Martin and, 453 et seq.
of the Art of Advertising,' by Law- Baker, Valentine, some reminiscences of,

rence Lewis, notice of, 713 et seq.
'Advice to a Daughter,' by the Marquis Balfour, Mr, speech of, at Birmingham,

of Halifax : On Religion, 793—On on the Budget, 581 et seq.
Husbands and Households, ib. et seq. BALLY, OLD, 826.
-On Behaviour and Conversation, Bank of England, imaginary Fenian
797—On the Choice of Friends, 799- attack on the, 471 et seq.
On Vanity and Affectation, 800—On Barrie, Mr, the novels of, as an example
Diversions, 802.

of Cockneyism, 5 et seq.
"Age of Reason, the,' by Tom Paine, Bentham, Jeremy, the political phil.
teaching of, 133 et seq.

osophy of, 424 et seq.
Aldershot, establishment of, as a train- BETRAYAL, TAE GREAT, 143.
ing-camp, 386.

BEY, RIZA, 617.

Anderson, Sir Robert, parentage and Birrell, Mr, Cockney limitations of, in

early years of, 461 - called to the politics, 9 et seq.
Irish Bar, 462 et seq.- appointment Blériot, M., crossing of the Channel in a
of, to the Secret Service Department, monoplane by, 451 et seq.
470 et seq.

Blight-bird or Taukou, the coming of, to
Takes charge of Irish business at New Zealand, 199 et seq.-description
the Home Office, 606—reminiscences of, 203—habits of, 204 et seq.
of work and play at the Home Office • Bon Gaultier Ballads, the,' origin of,
by, 608 et seq.

Becomes head of the detective de. BREAK IN THE RAINS, A, 473.
partment of Scotland Yard, 769 — British Academy, exclusion of men of
lodgings secured by, at Charles genius by the, 849 et seq.
Reade's, 773–on the Commission of BROOCH, THE, 781.
the Edinburgh Royal Observatory, Budget, the, revolutionary character of,
776 et seq.-becomes Secretary to the 151-speech of Mr Balfour on, 581 et
Prison Commission, 778 et seq.

seq. — speech of Lord Rosebery on,
Arkadi, the Monastery of, in Crete, visit 583—speech of Mr Asquith on, 584
to, 544 et seq.

et seq. -- unworkable nature of, 860


- land and mineral taxes of, 861-the

mining royalties of, 862.

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