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into the Islands? Mr. Long has mentioned it as a fact; and he wrote long before this queftion was in agitation, and not with any particular defire to abolish the African trade. He diftinctly states, after referring his readers to the History of all the West India Islands, that all the infurrections arose from the imported Africans, and not from the Negroes born in the Iflands. If this is true, permit me to remind the Weft Indians, how directly this obfervation bears upon the prefent question. But when we are also told by that author, that it is a trade deftructive to the inhabitants of Africa, and that it gives rife to robbery, murder, and all kinds of abuses and depredations on the coaft of Africa-has this alfo had any answer? No-except indeed that it is faid, in defence of the trade, that thofe Slaves who are imported by us are all men condemned for crimes, and in confequence of the legal fentence of the law. Then I afk the fame Gentlemen again, Are not the imported Africans, as Mr. Long alío ftates, all the convicts, all the rogues, thieves, and vagabonds of Africa? I beg to afk, whether the West Indians chufe to depend on fresh fupplies of them for the cultivation of their lands, and the fecurity of their Islands, when it is alfo found that every infurrection has arifen from those very perfons. It is plain the fafety of the West India Islands is concerned in this quer. tion. There will be danger of fresh struggles fo long as an Abolition of this trade is refused. The West India Gentlemen are by these importations bringing upon the Islands the engines of their own destruction.

I now call upon them to give a ferious confideration to the question, to confider whether they will not act more judiciously, and for their own intereft, if they will concur in the opinion of putting an end to this trade, instead of Standing up for the fyftem of perpetual importations. :

What right, Sir, have they to fuppofe that the coaft of Africa is for ever to remain in its present state of barbarity? If once a Prince of an enlightened character should rise up in that hemifphere, his first act would be to make the means of carrying off all Slaves from thence impracticable. Is it then for the fake of fuch a precarious and temporary advantage that the prefent fyftem is to be continued?

What reafon have they to fuppofe the light of Heaven will never defcend upon that continent? From that moment there must be an end of the prefent African Trade. The first fyftem of improvement, the first idea of happiness that will arise in that continent, will bring with it the downfall of the African Slave Trade, and this in a more effectual way than if done by any regulations of this country. Let this fuggeft to them, that it is their own intereft to contrive a mode of supplying la bour without trusting to the importation of Slaves from Africa, They may reft affured the trade will not continue.

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I do not allude to the Petitions in one way or the other. Perhaps the question does not acquire much additional force from them, Many of thefe may been have produced by anxious follicitations, and emiffaries fent about; and many of those who figned them have not perhaps been very much verfed in the nature of the queftion. They are defirous of obtaining the Abolition; but have not reflected whether the Trade fhould be abolished gradually or immediately. It is not upon the Petitions that I am defirous of founding any obfervations, but I wish to observe this, that the idea of the impolicy of the African Slave Trade has long been entertained by the most enlightened understandings of this country, as well as the idea that it is not founded in juftice. It is the fentiment of a great body of people that it is not politic, and ought not to exist, It has made a deep impreffion on the minds of enlightened men in this country, that this trade is obnoxious to a thousand perils and dangers. If that is the cafe, is it a prudent thing to rest on that trade for the farther improvement and cultivation of their property? I really speak with a view to their own intereft. I have fo often feen imaginary apprehensions entertained on fuch fubjects, that I am fatisfied in a few years we fhall fee this queftion at reft, and that the West India Proprietors themselves will become of my opinion.

There was a species of flavery prevailing only a few years ago in fome boroughs in Scotland. Every child that carried a coal from the pit, was the bound flave of that borough, and their emancipation was thought by Parliament to be material, and was very much agitated in the Houfe. It was urged, that

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let every man's genius be what it might, yet in those pits (the work from its nature being carried on underground) it was quite an excepted cafe, and without this principle of flavery the collieries could not be worked; that the price of coals would be raised to a moft immoderate height, and all the neighbouring manufactories which depended on them would effentially fuffer in their interefts. After feveral years struggle, the Bill was carried through both Houses of Parliament. I am old enough to remember the dispute; within a year after, the whole idea of the collieries being hurt by the Abolition of this fort of Slavery, vanished in smoke, and there was an end of the business.

Now, Sir, the

• An Honourable Gentleman has alfo told you, which is another argument to the fame point, that the regulation of the Middle Paffage has had a falutary effect. prefent alarms are not more lively than those which were expreffed when that Bill took place. The ruin of the Liverpool and Bristol trade was foretold. Yet now one of the Reprefentatives comes forward and plainly tells you, "Our alarms were ill-founded, our apprehenfions were without ground, we found fault with all your regulations, we afcribed every mifchief to them, whereas we find by experience they have been attended with every benefit." Am I then afking too much when I ask for a candid confideration of the real grounds of the prefent apprehenfion? Perhaps the Weft Indians may find that the best thing they can do is to close in with my propofition, and that they will not act moft wifely and prudently for themselves, in maintaining the continuance of the trade with Africa, as at all times neceflary for the preservation, improvement, and cultivation of the Weft India Islands.

I am far from flattering myself that any thing I have said can at once totally eradicate prejudices that are deeply rooted, and bring over men to a fet of altogether new ideas; but I mean to propose a moderate and a middle way of proceeding, If therefore there is any great body in this House, any refpectable number of perfons who are of opinion with me, that this trade must be ultimately abolished, but by moderate measures, which shall not invade the property of individuals, nor fhock

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too fuddenly the prejudices of our Weft India Islands; I fay, if there is any great body of men of this opinion, I wish them to connect themfelves together, and I will venture to say, that Gentlemen of that moderate or middle way of thinking may now reduce the question to its proper bounds, and maintain the principle of abolishing the Slave Trade in confiftency with their other principles. I offer these few obfervations to their confideration.

Mr. ADDINGTON, Speaker-Sir, profeffing myself as I de to be one of thofe moderate men alluded to by the Honourable Gentleman who spoke laft, and being of that moderate way of thinking, which he approves; I cannot forbear giving way to the impreffion made upon me, by his forcible manner of stating the argument.

In my mind no queftion ever came before this Houfe, which deferved a more complete or ferious investigation. Deeply confidering the great importance of its object, I feel, and I have long felt, fuch a mode of treating it, as much to be defired, because I have believed, that it would facilitate the attainment of that great end, which I am fure every one would wish to be attained with as little injury as poffible to private property. The fear of doing a fundamental injury to that extensive property has hitherto prevented me from giving an opinion against a system, the continuance of which, however, I could not prevail on myself to permit or countenance,

The Slave Trade I abhor; but in the way the Abolition of it was propofed by my Honourable Friend, in the last year, I could not bring myself to adopt it, becaufe I was perfuaded, that the fpecific measure he offered to the Houfe, would prove ineffectual to the accomplishment of its purpose: Nor, Sir, would I have it imagined, that I have taken up my averfion to this infamous fyftem, merely from the infpection of thofe volumes of evidence on your table. No, Sir, it was upon thofe folid principles fo eloquently and forcibly ftated by the Honourable Gentleman who spoke last.

I remember, on its being once imputed to a noble and learned Lord, that has now been for fome years retired from the Bench, when at an early period of his life he was employed against the Rebel Lords, that he had not used against them language fufficiently strong in proportion to their crime; he well anfwered, that he pitied the loyalty of that man, who imagined that any epithet could aggravate the crime of treason. And, Sir, I take leave to fay, that I know no language which can add to the horrors of the Slave Trade. It is equal to every purpose of crimination to affert, that thereby man is made fubject to the defpotifm of man; that man is to be bought and fold. I have felt, however, upon every occafion when this fubject has been difcuffed, that I had a vaft difficulty before me: on the one hand, it is impoffible not to condemn the trade, and to recognize the claims of justice due to a whole continent on that fide, and to that infinite multitude of perfons whom it renders miferable; but, on the other hand, there are also oppofing claims of justice on the part of the Weft Indians. There is a description of perfons on that fide, who, in like manner, have a strong claim that justice in their cafe fhould be attended to.

Many Gentlemen have adverted to the effects of abolishing the trade in part only, this being the whole confequence of its dereliction by 'this country. I own I should be disposed to confider this point very much as it has been confidered by my Right Honourable Friend. The question is not fo much, whether it would be carried on by this or that foreign country, but whether we should continue it under circumftances fo very offenfive as the prefent. But if no importation whatever is to take place, it has always appeared to me, that under the prefent circumftances of the West India Islands, an utter impoffibility muft prefent itself of maintaining the present stock: I mean that the number now in the islands is not fufficient for that purpose. After the very able manner in which the whole of this extensive question has been argued to-night, I will not tread over the ground again; but it will be neceffary for me to observe on fome particular parts. It was forcibly argued, by my Honourable Friend who opened the Debate, that according to the difproportion of fexes which really has appeared, the fupply of the Ne

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