Presidential Doctrines: National Security from Woodrow Wilson to George W. Bush
Robert P. Watson, Charles Gleek, Michael Grillo
Nova Publishers, 2003 - Political Science - 146 pages
The terrorist attacks against the United States on 11 September 2001 prompted a president, who had until then largely been disinterested in international affairs, to a new level of commitment to foreign policy. So too did the tragedy renew American awareness of the precarious state of national security, even in the post-Cold War era. As so often has occurred in American history, the events also occasioned a new approach to national security policy, conceived in the specific threat, fashioned by the international environment, and reflecting the president's worldview and ideological orientation. As is the case of the events (threats) themselves, the national security response they foster is often so dramatic that it comes to define the presidency of its maker, influence affairs far beyond America's borders, and dictate US foreign and national security policy for years to come. Shifts in US national security thinking of this magnitude are referred to as presidential doctrines. Often, these doctrines -- axioms that bear the president's name -- have been delivered in a major address by the president such as a speech to a joint session of Congress. The first presidential doctrine was announced by President James Monroe on 2 December 1823 during his seventh annual message to Congress. An international version of this phenomenon would be Winston Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech. Such was also the case when President George W. Bush addressed the nation in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. This new and thought-provoking book examines American national security policies in the 20th century, the century in which America rose to superpower or hyperpower status. The same policies will probably determine how long she holds such a powerful position.
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THE NIXON DOCTRINE A NEW APPROACH TO THE CONTAINMENT STRATEGY
THE CARTER DOCTRINE AND NATIONAL SECURITY AN EXAMINATION OF AMERICAN IDEALISM
THE AXIS AND THE EMPIRE FIGHTING EVIL IN THE REAGAN AND BUSH ADMINISTRATIONS
US WARS DECLARED
PRESIDENTIAL USE OF MILITARY FORCE NOT INCLUDING DECLARED WARS
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Page 30 - For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved ; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove.
Page 112 - In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.
Page 48 - One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion.
Page 47 - The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the Government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries.
Page 70 - This is not, however, just America's fight. And what is at stake is not just America's freedom. This is the world's fight. This is civilization's fight. This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom.
Page 102 - Enemies in the past needed great armies and great industrial capabilities to endanger America. Now, shadowy networks of individuals can bring great chaos and suffering to our shores for less than it costs to purchase a single tank. Terrorists are organized to penetrate open societies and to turn the power of modern technologies against us.
Page 49 - Today, the United States enjoys a position of unparalleled military strength and great economic and political influence. In keeping with our heritage and principles, we do not use our strength to press for unilateral advantage. We seek instead to create a balance of power that favors human freedom: conditions in which all nations and all societies can choose for themselves the rewards and challenges of political and economic liberty.
Page 68 - ... prevent our enemies from threatening us, our allies, and our friends, with weapons of mass destruction; • ignite a new era of global economic growth through free markets and free trade...
Page 52 - The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.