the stipulations proceeds from the governor, when he insists on inserting in our bill the very words and letters of those stipulations.

ments.

"BUT these stipulations were never intended to be inserted verbatim in our bills, and our construction is the most just." I grant it appears so to us, but much I doubt, whether his majesty's council will be of the same opinion. That board and this house have often differed as widely in their sentiOur judgment is founded on the knowledge we have of facts, and of the purity of our intentions. The judgment of others, is founded on the representations made to them, of those facts and intentions. These representations may be unjust; and therefore the decisions that are formed upon them may be erroneous. If we are rightly informed, we are represented as the mortal enemies of the proprietors, who would tear their estates to pieces, unless some limit was fixed to our fury, For this purpose the second and third articles of the stipulations were formed. The inequality of the mode was explained and enlarged upon by the provincial council; but in vain. I think, I have heard a worthy member who lately returned from England, mention these circumstances.

Ir this be the case, what reasonable hope can we entertain, of a more favourable determination

now? The proprietors are still living. Is it not highly probable that they have interest enough, either to prevent the change, or to make it on such terms, as will fix upon us for ever, those demands that appear so extremely just to the present ministers? One of the proprietors appears to have great intimacy and influence, with some very considerable members of his majesty's council. Many men of the highest character, if public reports speak truth, are now endeavouring to establish proprietary governments, and therefore probably may be more readily inclined to favour proprietary measures. The very gentlemen who formed the articles of the stipulations, are now in power, and no doubt will inforce their own acts in the strictest manner. On the other hand, every circumstance that now operates against us, may in time turn in our favour. We may perhaps be fortunate enough, to see the present prejudices against us worn off; to recommend ourselves to our sovereign: and to procure the esteem of some of his ministers. I think I may venture to assert, that such a period will be infinitely more proper than the present, for attempting a change of our government.

WITH the permission of the house, I will now consider the manner in which this attempt is car. ried on; and I must acknowledge, that I do not in the least degree approve of it.

THE time may come, when the weight of this government may grow too heavy for the shoulders of a subject; at least, too heavy for those of a woman, or an infant. The proprietary family may be so circumstanced, as to be willing to accept of such an equivalent for the government from the crown, as the crown may be willing to give. Whenever this point is agitated, either on a proposal from the crown or proprietors, this province may plead the cause of her privileges with greater freedom, and with greater probability of success, than at present. The royal grant; the charter founded upon it; the public faith pledged to the adventurers, for the security of those rights to them and their posterity, whereby they were encouraged to combat the dangers, I had almost said, of another world; to establish the British power in remotest regions, and add inestimable dominions with the most extensive commerce to their native country; the high value and veneration we have for these privileges; the afflicting loss and misfortune we should esteem it, to be deprived of them, and the unhappiness in which his majesty's faithful subjects in this province would thereby be involved; our inviolable loyalty and attachment to his majesty's person and illustrious family, whose sovereignty hath been so singularly distinguished by its favourable influence on the liberties of mankind.

ALL these things may then be properly insisted on..

If urged with that modest heart-felt energy, with which good men should always vindicate the interests of their country, I should not despair of a gracious attention, to our humble requests. Our petition in such a case, would be simple, respectful, and perhaps affecting.

Bur in the present mode of proceeding, it seems to me, that we preclude ourselves from every office of decent duty to the most excellent of kings; and from that right of earnestly defending our privileges, which we should otherwise have. The foundation of this attempt, I am apprehensive, will appear to others peculiarly unfortunate. In a sudden passion, it will be said, against the proprietors, we call out for a change of government. Not from reverence for his majesty; not from a sense of his paternal goodness to his people; but because we are angry with the proprietors; and tired of a dispute founded on an order approved by his majesty, and his royal grandfather.

OUR powerful friends on the other side of the Atlantic, who are so apt to put the kindest constructions on our actions, will no doubt observe, "that the conduct of the people of Pennsylvania, must be influenced by very extraordinary councils, since they desire to come more immediately under the king's command, BECAUSE they will not obey

those royal commands, that have been already sig nified to them."

But here it will be faid; nay it has been faid; and the petition before the house is drawn accordingly; we will not alledge this difpute with the governor on the ftipulations, but the general inconveniencies of a proprietary government, as the cause of our defiring a change." "Tis true we may act in this artful manner, but what advantages fhall we gain by it? Though we fhould keep the fecret, can we feal up the lips of the proprietors? Can we recal our meffages to the annihilate our own refolves? not any of these discover the sent attempt ?

governor? Can we Will not all Will not all-will true cause of the pre.

WHY then, should we unnecessarily invite fresh invectives in the very beginning of a most important business, that to be happily concluded, requires all the favour we can procure, and all the dexterity we can practise?

We intend to surround the throne with petitions, that our government may be changed from proprietary to royal. At the same time we mean to pre. serve our privileges: but how are these two points to be reconciled?