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the villages; wherefore many of the mean they differ, yet they be true. I was in the city people loved him, and such as intended to no of Bordeaux and sitting at the table when goodness said how he said truth; and so they king Richard was born, the which was on a would murmur one with another in the fields Tuesday about ten of the clock. The same time and in the ways as they went together, affirm- 5 there came thereas I was, Sir Richard Ponting how John Ball said truth.

chardon, marshal as then of Acquitaine, and he

said to me: “Froissart, write and put in memory THE BURIAL OF RICHARD II

that as now my lady princess is brought abed It was not long after that true tidings ran with a fair son on this Twelfth day, that is the through London, how Richard of Bordeaux? 10 day of the three kings, and he is son to a king's was dead; but how he died and by what means, son and shall be a king.” This gentle knight I could not tell when I wrote this chronicle. said truth, for he was king of England twentyBut this King Richard dead was laid in a two year; but when this knight said these litter and set in a chare? covered with black words, he knew full little what should be his baudkin,; and four horses all black in the 15 conclusion. And the same time that king chare, and two men in black leading the chare, Richard was born, his father the prince was in and four knights all in black following. Thus Galice, the which king Don Peter had given the chare departed from the Tower of London him, and he was there to conquer the realm. and was brought along through London fair Upon these things I have greatly imagined and softly, till they came into Cheapside, 20 sith;for the first year that I came into Engwhereas the chief assembly of London was, and land into the service of queen Philippa, king there the chare rested the space of two hours. Edward and the queen and all their children Thither came in and out more than twenty were as then at Berkhamstead, a manor of the thousand persons men and women, to see him prince of Wales beyond London. The king and whereas he lay, his head on a black cushion, 25 the queen were come thither to take leave of and his visaget open. Some had on him pity their son the prince and princess, who were and some none, but said he had long deserved going into Acquitaine, and there I heard an death. Now consider well, ye great lords, ancient knight devise? among the ladies and kings, dukes, earls, barons and prelates, and all said: “There is a book which is called le Brut, men of great lineage and puissance; see and 30 and it deviseth that the prince of Wales, eldest behold how the fortunes of this world are son to the king, nor the duke of Gloucester, marvellous and turn diversely. This king should never be king of England, but the realm Richard reigned king of England twenty two and crown should return to the house of year in great prosperity, holding great estate Lancaster.” There I, John Froissart, author of and seignory. There was never before any 35 this chronicle, considering all these things, king of England that spent so much in his house I say these two knights, Sir Richard Pontas he did, by a hundred thousand florins every chardon and Sir Bartholomew of Burghersh, year; for I, Sir John Froissart, canon and said both truth; for I saw, and so did all the treasurer of Chimay, knew it well, for I was in world, Richard of Bordeaux twenty two year his court more than a quarter of a year together, 40 king of England, and after the crown returned ind he made me good cheer, because that in to the house of Lancaster, and that was when my youth I was clerk and servant to the noble King Henry was king, the which he had never king Edward III, his grandfather, and with my been if Richard of Bordeaux had dealt amiably lady Philippa of Hainault, queen of England his with him; for the Londoners made him king grandam; and when I departed from him, it 45 because they had pity on him and on his was at Windsor, and at my departing the king children. sent me by a knight of his called Sir John

Sir Thomas More Golofre a goblet of silver and gilt weighing two mark of silver, and within it a hundred nobles,

1478-1535 by the which I am as yet the better, and shall 50 THE PEOPLE ARE URGED TO CHOOSE be as long as I live; wherefore I am bound to

RICHARD FOR THEIR KING pray to God for his soul, and with much sorrow I write of his death; but because I have con

(From History of Richard III, written c. 1513) tinued this history, therefore I write thereof to When the Duke had said, and looked that follow it.

55 the people whom he hoped that the Mayor In my time I have seen two things: though had framed" before, should after this flattering King Richard, all was still and mute, and not the nobles of the realm be, to have this noble one word answered thereunto. Wherewith the Prince, now Protector, to be your King.” At Duke was marvellously abashed, and taking these words the people began to whisper among the Mayor nearer to him, with other that themselves secretly, that the voice was neither were about him privy to that matter, said unto 5 loud nor distinct, but as it were the sound of a them softly; "What meaneth this, that the swarm of bees, till at the last at the nether end people be so still?” “Sir," quoth the Mayor, of the hall, a bushment of the Duke's servants "parcase? they perceive you not well.” “That and one Nashfield, and others longing to the shall we amend," quoth he, “if that will help.” Protector, with some prentices and lads that And by and by somewhat louder, he rehearsed 10 thrust into the hall among the press, began them the same matter again in other order and suddenly at men's backs to cry out as loud as other words, so well and ornately, and natheles their throats would give: King Richard, so evidently and plain, with voice, gesture, and King Richard, and threw up their caps in token countenance so comely and convenient, that of joy. And they that stood before, cast back every man much marvelled that heard him, and 15 their heads marvelling thereat, but nothing thought that they never had in their lives heard they said. And when the Duke and the mayor so evil a tale so well told. But were it for saw this manner, they wisely turned it to their wonder or fear, (or) that each looked that purpose. And said it was a goodly cry and a other should speak first; not one word more was joyful, to hear every ma with one voice, and there answered of all the people that stood 20 no man saying nay. “Wherefore friends,” before, but all were as still as the midnight, not quoth the Duke, "since we perceive that it is so much as rownings among them, by which your whole minds to have this nobleman for they might seem to commune what was best to your King, whereof we shall make his Grace so do. When the Mayor saw this, he with other effectual report, that we doubt not but it shall partners of the Council, drew about the Duke, 25 redound unto your great weal and commonaland said that the people had not been accus- ity.' We therefore require you that tomorrow tomed thus to be spoken unto but by the ye go with us, and we with you, unto his noble Recorder, which is the mouth of the city, and Grace, to make your humble request unto him haply to him they will answer. With that the in manner before remembered.” And therefore Recorder, called Thomas Fitz William, a sad 30 with,." the lords came down, and the company man and an honest, which was so new come into dissolved and departed, the most part all sad, that office that he never had spoken to the some with glad semblance that were not very people before, and loath he was with that merry, and some of those that came hither with matter to begin, notwithstanding being there- the Duke, not able to dissemble their sorrow, unto commanded by the Mayor, made a re- 35 were fain, at his back, to turn their face to the hearsal to the commons of that the Duke had wall, while the dolour of their hearts burst out twice rehearsed them himself. But the Recorder so tempered his tale, that he showed everything as the Duke's words were, and no part his own. But all this made no change in 40

proposition made, have cried King Richard, 1 Richard II. (1367-1400) son of the Black Prince, was born at Bordeaux.

5 Galicia.

7 Discourse, converse. : Car, cart. 3 Rich black material. 4 Visor. · Prepared; fitted for the part they were to play.

6 Since.

UTOPIA AND EUROPE CONTRASTED the people, which, alway after one,5 stood as

(From Utopia, 1516, Ralph Robinson's translathey had been men amazed. Whereupon the

tion, second and revised ed. 1556) Duke rowned unto the Mayor and said: “This is a marvellous obstinate silence.And Now I have declared and described unto therewith he turned unto the people again with 45 you, as truly as I could, the form and order of these words: “Dear friends, we come to move that Commonwealth, which verily in my judgyou to that thing which, peradventure we ment is not only the best, but also that which greatly needed not, but that the lords of this alone of good right may claim and take upon it realm and the commons of other parties, the name of a common wealth, or public weal. might have sufficed, saving such love we bear 50

? A body of men in hiding, or in ambush. you, and so much set by you, that we would not Belonging.

• Advantage. gladly do without you, that thing in which to

10 Forthwith; thereupon. be partners is your weal and honour, which, as 1 The speaker is a fictitious character, one Raphael

Hythloday, whom More introduces in the early part of to us seemeth, you see not or weigh not.

the narrative as a Portuguese scholar and explorer. Wherefore, we require you to give us an answer 55 Hythloday is supposed to have visited Utopia in the

course of his travels, and he is represented as relating his one way or other, whether ye be minded as all

impressions of the strange land to More. The greater ? Perhaps; perchance. (Lat. per casum.)

of their eyes.

part of More's book consists of Hythloday's narrative. Whispering.

+ Discreet, reliable. and his reflections on the Utopian Commonwealth. 6 All the time in the same manner.

2 Weal, primarily wealth, riches, and hence prosperity, * Whispered.


For in other places they speak still of the much pleasanter, taking no thought in the Commonwealth, but every man procureth his mean season for the time to come. But these own private gain. Here, where nothing is seelys poor wretches be presently tormented private, the common affairs be earnestly looked with barren and unfruitful labour. And the upon. And truly on both parts they have 5 remembrance of their poor, indigent, and good causé so to do as they do. For in other beggarly old age, killeth them up. For their countries who knoweth not that he shall daily wages is so little, that it will not suffice for starve for hunger, unless he make some several the same day, much less it yieldeth any overprovision for himself, though the Common- plus, that may daily be laid up for the relief of wealth flourish never so much in riches? And 10 old age. Is not this an unjust and unkind therefore he is compelled, even of very neces- public weal, which giveth great fees and resity, to have regard to himself, rather than to wards to gentlemen, as they call them, and to the people, that is to say, to others. Contrary- goldsmiths, and to such other, which be either wise there, where all things be common to idle persons, or else only flatterers, and deevery man, it is not to be doubted that any 15 visers of vain pleasures; and of the contrary man shall lack anything necessary for his part, maketh no gentle provision for poor private uses; so that the common store-houses plowmen, colliers, labourers, carters, ironand barns be sufficiently stored. For there smiths, and carpenters; without whom no nothing is distributed after a niggish sort, Commonwealth can continue? But after it neither is there any poor man or beggar. An 20 hath abused the labourers of their lusty and though no man have anything, yet every man is flowering age, at the last, when they be oprich. For what can be more rich than to live pressed with old age and sickness,-being joyfully and merrily, without all grief and needy, poor, and indigent of all things,-then pensiveness: not caring for his own living, nor forgetting their so many painful watchings, not vexed or troubled with his wife's importunate 25 remembering their so many and so great complaints, nor dreading poverty to his son, nor benefits, recompenseth and aquitteth? them sorrowing for his daughter's dowry? Yea, they most unkindly with miserable death. And take no care at all for the living and wealth of yet, besides this, the rich men, not only by themselves and all theirs, of their wives, their private fraud, but also by common laws, do children, their nephews, their children's chil- 30 every day pluck and snatch away from the dren, and all the succession that ever shall poor some part of their daily living. So, follow in their posterity. And yet, besides this, whereas it seemed before unjust to recompense there is no less provision for them that were with unkindness their pains that have been once labourers, and be now weak and impotent, beneficial to the public weal, now they have to than for them that do now labour and take 35 this their wrong and unjust dealing (which is pain. Here now would I see if any man dare be yet a much worse point) given the name of so bold as to compare with this equity, the justice, yea, and that by force of a law. Therejustice of other nations; among whom, I forsake fore, when I consider and weigh in my mind all God, if I can find any sign or token of equity these Commonwealths, which nowadays anyand justice. For what justice is this, that a 40 where do flourish, so God help me, I can perrich goldsmith, or an usurer, or, to be short, ceive nothing but a certain conspiracy of rich any of them which either do nothing at all, or men procuring their own commodities under the else that which they do is such that it is not name and title of the Commonwealth. They very necessary to the commonwealth, should invent and devise all means and crafts, first how have a pleasant and a wealthy living, either by 45 to keep safely, without fear of losing, that they idleness, or by unnecessary business; when in have unjustly gathered together, and next how the meantime poor labourers, carters, iron- to hire and abuse the work and labour of the smiths, carpenters, and plowmen, by so great poor for as little money as may be. These and continual toil, as drawing and bearing devices, when the rich men have decreed (them) beasts be scant able to sustain, and again so 50 to be kept and observed under colour of the necessary toil, that without it no common- commonalty, that is to say, also of the poor wealth were able to continue and endure one people, then they be made laws. But these year, should yet get so hard and poor a living, most wicked and vicious men, when they have and live so wretched and miserable a life, that by their unsatiable covetessness divided among the state and condition of the labouring beasts 55 themselves all those things, which would have may seem much better and wealthier? For

6 Happy; innocent; simple. they be not put to so continual labour, nor 6 Suitable; adequate. (See Cent. Dict. genteel.) their living is not much worse, yea to them

7 Repays; requites.

8 Under the pretense that they are for the benefit of * Separate, personal.

* Niggardly fashion. the common people.

sufficed all men, yet how far be they from the poverty she might vex, torment, and increase, wealth and felicity of the Utopian Common- by gorgeously setting forth her riches. This wealth? Out of the which, in that all the desire hell hound creepeth into men's hearts; and of money with the use thereof is utterly se- plucketh them back from entering the right cluded and banished, how great a heap of cares 5 path of life, and is so deeply rooted in men's is cut away! How great an occasion of wicked- breasts, that she cannot be plucked out. ness and mischief is plucked up by the roots! TH form and fashion of a weal public, which For who knoweth not, that fraud, theft, I would gladly wish unto all nations, I am glad rapine, brawling, quarrelling, brabbling, strife, yet that it hath chanced to the Utopians, chiding, contention, murder, treason, poison- 10 which have followed those institutions of life, ing, which by daily punishments are rather whereby they have laid such foundations of revenged than refrained, do die when money their Commonwealth, as shall continue and dieth? And also that fear, grief, care, labours, last not only wealthily, but also as far as man's and watchings do perish even the very same wit may judge and conjecture, shall endure moment that money perisheth? Yea, poverty 15 forever. For, seeing the chief causes of ambiitself, which only seemed to lack money, if tion and sedition with other vices be plucked money were gone, it also would decrease and

up by the roots and abandoned at home, there vanish away. And that you may perceive this can be no jeopardy of domestical dissension, more plainly, consider with yourselves some which alone hath cast under foot and brought barren and unfruitful year, wherein many 20 to nought the well-fortified and strongly thousands of people have starved for hunger: defenced wealth and riches of many cities. I dare be bold to say, that in the end of that But forasmuch as perfect concord remaineth, penury so much corn or grain might have been and wholesome laws be executed at home, the found in the rich men's barns, if they had been envy of all foreign princes be not able to shake searched, as being divided among them whom 25 or move the Empire, though they have many famine and pestilence then consumed, no man times long ago gone about to do it, being everat all should have felt that plague and penury. more driven back, So easily might men get their living, if that Thus when Raphael13 had made an end of same worthy Princess, Lady Money, did not his tale, though many things came to my mind, alone stop up the way between us and our 30 which in the manners and laws of that people living, which, a God's name, was very ex- seemed to be instituted and founded of no good cellently devised and invented, that by her the reason, not only in the fashion of their chivalry, way thereto should be opened. I am sure the and in their sacrifices and religions, and in other rich men perceive this, nor they be not too of their laws, but also, yea, and chiefly, in that ignorant how much better it were to lack no 35 which is the principal foundation of all their necessary thing, than to abound with over- ordinances, that is to say, in the community much superfluity; to be rid out 11 of innumerable of their life and living, without any occupying! cares and troubles, than to be besieged and of money, by the which things only are nobility, encumbered with great riches. And I doubt magnificence, worship, honour, and majesty, not that either the respect of every man's 40 the true ornaments and honours, as the comprivate commodity, or else the authority of our mon opinion is, of a Commonwealth, utterly Saviour Christ (which for his great wisdom be overthrown and destroyed: yet because I could not but know what were best, and for his knew he was weary of talking, and was not inestimable goodness could not but counsel to sure whether he could abide that anything that which he knew to be best) would have 45 should be said against his mind, especially brought all the world long ago into the laws of remembering that he had reprehended this this weal public, if it were not that one only fault in others, which be afeard lest they beast, the princess and mother of all mischief, should seem not to be wise enough unless they Pride, doth withstand and let 12 it. She meas- could find some fault in other men's inventions; ureth not wealth and prosperity by her own 50 therefore I, praising both their institutions and commodities, but by the miseries and incom- his communication, took him by the hand, and modities of others; she would not by her good led him in to supper; saying that we would will be made a goddess, if there were no choose another time to weigh and examine the wretches left, over whom she might like a same matters, and to talk with him more at scornful lady rule and triumph; over whose 55 large therein. Which would God it might once miseries her felicities might shine; whose come to pass. In the mean time, as I cannot Wrangling

agree and consent to all things that he said, 10 In God's name. Cf. Taming of the Shrew, I, 2, 195.

being else without doubt a man singularly 11 Delivered; rescued. Rid out of -released from. 12 Prevent; stop. (See Ilamlet, I, 4, 85.)

13 Raphael Hythloday.

14 Holding; using


well learned, and also in all worldly matters seen, to my wife, his dearly beloved daughter, exactly and profoundly experienced,--so must and a letter written with a coal, contained in I needs confess and grant that many things be the aforesaid book of his works, plainly exin the Utopian weal public, which in our cities pressing the fervent desire he had to suffer I may rather wish for than hope after.

5 on the morrow, in these words: “I cumber Thus endeth the afternoon's talk of Raphael you, good Margaret, much, but would be sorry Hythloday concerning the laws and institu- if it should be longer than tomorrow. For tions of the Island of Utopia.

tomorrow is St. Thomas' even, and the Utas? of

St. Peter, and therefore tomorrow I long to

10 go to God, it were a day very meet and conWilliam Koper

venient for me. Dear Megg, I never liked your

manner better towards me than when you 1496–1578

kissed me last. For I like when daughterly

love and dear charity hath no leisure to look to THE EXECUTION OF SIR THOMAS

15 worldly courtesy.” And so upon the next MORE

morrow, being Tuesday, St. Thomas his even, (From Life of Sir Thomas More, first printed,

and the Utas of St. Peter, in the year of our 1626)

Lord 1535, according as he in his letter the day

before had wished, early in the morning came When Sir Thomas More came from West- 20 to him Sir Thomas Pope, his singular good minster to the Tower-ward' again, his daughter, friend, on message from the King and his my wife, desirous to see her father, whom she Council

, that he should before nine of the clock thought she would never see in this world after, of the same morning suffer death; and that and also to have his final blessing, gave attend- therefore he should forthwith prepare himself ance about the Tower Wharf, where she knew 25 thereto. “Master Pope," saith he, "for your he should pass by, before he could enter good tidings I heartily thank you. I have been into the Tower. Where tarrying his coming as always much bounden to the King's Highness soon as she saw him, after his blessing upon for the benefits and honours that he hath still her knees reverently received, she, hasting from time to time most bountifull heaped upon towards him, without consideration or care of 30 me, and yet more bounden am I to His Grace herself, pressing in amongst the midst of the for putting me into this place, where I have had throng and company of the guard, that with convenient time and space to have remembalberds and bills were round about him, brance of my end. And so help me God, most hastily ran to him, and there openly in sight of of all, Master Pope, am I bounden to his them all embraced him and took him about the 35 Highness, that it pleaseth him so shortly to neck and kissed him. Who well liking her most rid me out of the miseries of this wretched natural and dear daughterly affection towards world, and therefore will I not fail earnestly to him, gave her his fatherly blessing, and many pray for his Grace, both here, and also in the godly words of comfort besides. From whom world to come.” "The King's pleasure is after she was departed, she not satisfied with 40 further," quoth Master Pope, “that at your the former sight of her dear father, and like execution you shall not use many words." one that had forgotten herself, being all rav- "Master Pope" quoth he, "you do well to give ished with the entire love of her dear father, me warning of his Grace's pleasure, for otherhaving respect neither to herself, nor to the wise, at that time had I purposed somewhat press of people and multitude that were about 45 to have spoken; but of no matter wherewith his him, suddenly turned back again, and ran to Grace or any other should have had cause to be him as before, took him about the neck, and offended. Nevertheless, whatsoever I had indivers times kissed him most lovingly; and at tended I am ready obediently to conform mylast with a full heavy heart, was fain to depart self to his Grace's commandment; and I befrom him; the beholding whereof was to many 50 seech you, good Master Pope, to be a mean to of them that were present thereat so lamentable his Highness, that my daughter Margaret may that it made them for very sorrow thereof to be at my burial.” “The King is content alweep and mourn.

ready," quoth Master Pope, “that your wife, So remained Sir Thomas More in the Tower, children, and other friends shall have liberty more than a seven-night after his judgment. 55 to be present thereat." "O how much beholden From whence the day before he suffered, he then,” said Sir Thomas More, "am I unto his sent his shirt of hair, not willing to have it Grace, that unto my poor burial vouchsafeth

1 More had been tried and condemned in Westminster The eighth day after St. Peter's day, i. e., the 6th of Hall, after which he was taken back to the Tower. July.

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