reader, that even in such a case the consecrated teacher of the word of charity should have taken a different course; we are not here concerned to deny the affirmation; Walker may have erred,—we think not; but all that is here required is the inference that his error, if such, had origin in a sense of duty, in a moment so critical and appalling, that it may well have been permitted to the christian, like Peter, to draw the sword of the flesh, when the enemies of the Lord were come up with swords and staves to do him violence. Rather let the pious christian believe that the minister of Donaghmore was the approved soldier of him, to whom victory must be ascribed.

We have already given a summary account of the circumstances under which, on the 7th December, 1688, the gates of Derry were shut against lord Antrim's regiment. On the 6th December, 1688, a party of Tyrconnel's soldiers arrived at Limavaddy: Mr Philips immediately sent off a despatch to Londonderry, by which among other important intelligence he apprized them of the guests they were on the morrow to expect. On the next day early he sent another letter, in which he advised them to shut their gates, and assured them that he would be himself with them on the following day, and serve them to the hazard of life and fortune. These letters excited considerable terror and confusion of council among the citizens; and the streets were filled with numerous groups, who as usual on such occasions alarmed each other with rumours and conjectures. In this agitation Alderman Tomkins consulted Mr Gordon a nonconformist minister: Gordon concurred with the counsel of Philips, and advised that the gates should be shut; he also wrote immediately to the several surrounding parishes for assistance. The citizens were at first averse from so bold a step, and Tomkins privately encouraged this reluctance. But there was at the same time a strong party in its favour, and they were strongly encouraged by the strenuous exhortations of Gordon. Fortunately one of the sheriffs, Horatio Kennedy, had adopted the bolder counsel: already three companies of the enemy had arrived at the water side, and it was his duty to assign them quarters for the night. In conformity with his own view of the matter, he quartered them on the other side of the water, and gave notice to the young men who appeared most resolute, that they should be prepared against morning, if they seriously intended resistance. The hostile soldiery on the other side, soon received a hint of what was designed; for there were yet some traitors in the city, and many of the opposite party. On receiving this intimation they began to make their way over the water-they had landed, and were drawn up within three hundred yards of the Ferry gate, when thirteen young men drew their swords, seized the keys, and, followed by an applauding crowd, drew up the bridge and locked the gate. They next, in like manner, secured, and placed guards upon the other three gates. The civic authorities, chiefly persons in the interests of Tyrconnel, endeavoured to dissuade them from their purpose, and failing in this, made an effort to secure the magazine. The Derry youths sent a party to seize it, and succeeded after a short fray, in which one of them, Campsie, was wounded by a shot from one of the sentinels. To this period, the resistance party had received no open encouragement from any of the civic authorities; and with the excep

tion of Mr Philip's letter of the 7th, no countenance from any person of rank. It was now, that Cairnes came forward; having arrived in the afternoon of the same day, he publicly approved of all that had been done, and pledged himself to give his assistance; he then applied himself successfully to bring over others, and succeeded in convincing many; of whom Harris enumerates Messrs Norman, Jemmet, Moncrief and Lennox, who joined in writing letters to the surrounding gentry, of whom many promised their aid. The example flew from town to town. Coleraine made a gallant stand; the protestants, driven from all the northern counties, and joined by a formidable body from the west, collected in Enniskillen: and gallant leaders were not wanting to give direction to the noble spirit which was thus diffused. The confidence of the brave citizens of Derry was increased, and their exertions stimulated by favourable accounts of the prince of Orange, who, they learned, was joined by the princess Anne, prince George of Denmark, the earls of Ormonde, Marlborough, and every one of highest fame and influence in England; while the army, navy and people, had everywhere gone over to his ranks, or given clear manifestations of the national decision in his favour. They felt at once that with England at their back, they could not ultimately fail to make good their defence. They elected as their governor Mr Philips of Limavaddy, who was the first to give them warning of the impending danger, and had already held that office in the reign of Charles II., and proceeded with alacrity to prepare for a siege. They examined the fortifications; they distributed the citizens into companies; and in these inspiriting arrangements they were strengthened and encouraged, by the addition of numerous companies of armed protestants from the surrounding country and villages.

In this interval they considered it an expedient precaution to communicate with lord Mountjoy, in whose known principles and friendly disposition they felt a justifiable confidence. They informed this nobleman of the steps they had taken for their defence, of their fears and the circumstances under which they had acted; denied any rebellious intent, and desired his good offices and friendly interposition with the government.

Among other steps of wise and provident precaution, David Cairnes was sent to London, to rouse by suitable representations the London corporation to exertions for the relief of their city. The letter which he carried is yet extant in a work now become scarce, from which it has been printed by the Rev. John Graham, rector of Newtown Limavaddy, in a memoir of David Cairnes, now before us. This letter (which avouches several of the interesting particulars attendant upon the first shutting of the gates,) may be found in our memoir of Cairnes.* Cairnes having, as already mentioned, made the most strenuous efforts to inspirit the city authorities and leading men to the due performance of their duties for the next three days after, on the 11th December went his way to London, where he was detained for three months, until about the 11th of March, 1689, when he returned in time to take a valiant part in the defence of the city.

on

After the departure of Cairnes, Philips, who had prepared and signed the despatches which he bore, returned to Newtown Limavaddy of which he was the proprietor, to raise men, and soon returned with four hundred horse. In the mean time, many lesser negotiations and changes which occurred in the interval between the mission of Cairnes and the commencement of the siege may be summarily told. The citizens of Derry, yet doubtful of the event of the anxious struggle now commenced, made representations to Tyrconnel of the necessity under which they had acted, of the danger, unanimity, and resolution of the protestants, and of their design to limit their exertions to self-defence. Mountjoy, with lieutenant-colonel Lundy, were sent with six companies to reduce them.

While this small force was on its way, the resolution of the citizens of Derry was not on the decrease. They refused to admit their enemies; but, to prevent any misrepresentation of their actions, they published a declaration in which they detailed the grounds of their whole conduct and expressed their firm resolution to defend their lives, but without mutiny or "seditious opposition to the king's authority."* It may *It in passing be here observed, that in the very terms of this declaration there is evidence, that there entered no party opposition at this period to the resistance of the protestants; and that the commencement of their resistance was simply an effort of defence against imminent and pressing dangers. They permitted Mountjoy, a protestant nobleman, in whom they had the fullest confidence, to enter, stipulating that they should receive a free pardon within fifteen days; that only two companies should be introduced into the town; that half of these should be protestants; and that the citizens themselves should be left in possession of the posts, and keep the guards, until the stipulated pardon should arrive. Mountjoy having been admitted, took the command and entered fully into the views of the city. The protestants in his companies were retained, the rest dismissed, and fresh ardour given to all their proceedings.

Startled by these spirited operations, Tyrconnel seems to have at this time wavered. But colonel Richard Hamilton presently appeared on the scene: he was an officer of respectable connexion, and some reputation, acquired by his conduct in the French service; but had been dismissed in consequence of a suspected intrigue with the king's daughter. He had entered into the service of James, and was, at the time we speak of, a prisoner in the Isle of Wight. This gentleman offered William, to induce Tyrconnel to resign; and as he was known to possess great influence with him, his offer was accepted. He was sent over, and, arriving in Dublin just when Tyrconnel was in the utmost doubt as to the possibility of a continuance of the contest, with the most entire disregard to his solemn pledge, he advised the hesitating Deputy to "stand out," assuring him, that in England, things were changing fast in favour of James, "and that if he stood firm all would come round again."+ It was however evidently expedient for Tyrconnel to temporize, and to endeavour by a seeming relaxation to allay the spirit of opposition, until some advantage

might be secured: with this view he sent over his double-tongued embassy to Paris. On this occasion Mountjoy was sent over with Rice, and on his arrival shut up in the Bastile. An immediate consequence was the transfer of the command of Derry to Lundy. This officer assured the citizens of his faithful attachment to the protestant cause, and his fixed resolution to defend them to the last extremity against Tyrconnel.

In the mean time their cause was making no very great progress in London. The king was as yet too unsettled in his affairs to be very attentive to the concerns of this kingdom. The earl of Clarendon, through whose interest the Irish protestants had been endeavouring to obtain redress, was not liked by the king. When at last, after much delay, their address was permitted to reach the throne, the king received them with a coldness which has been not without reason explained into politic circumspection and concisely answered, "I thank you, I will take care of you."

The movements of the Irish army were fortunately not more forward during this interval; they were divided by the necessity of strengthening many posts and attacking others, among which Enniskillen, which, next to Derry, was the main refuge of the protestants, divided their force and depressed their spirit by a gallant resistance. It was advanced in the month of March, when the scanty preparations for the relief of Derry were in a state of forwardness, and Cairnes was sent back to ascertain their condition and their wants.

We shall now proceed directly with the train of circumstances more immediately belonging to the siege of Derry. The northern protestants having generally agreed in the determination to stand up in their own defence, directions were circulated among the most influential or competent persons for the steps which appeared most immediately desirable for such a purpose. Among others, Walker received at his rectory of Donaghmore some communications urging the necessity of securing Dungannon. He acted promptly upon the suggestion, and at once raised a regiment for the purpose. He considered the necessity of preserving this communication between that town and Londonderry, to which city he repaired, for the purpose of consulting with Lundy who then commanded there. Lundy seemed at first to enter into the spirit of the country, and without any hesitation agreed with the brave rector of Donaghmore, and sent some companies to strengthen Dungannon. Two days after, however, orders were sent from Lundy to break up the garrison at Dungannon. We only mention these incidents as plainly manifesting the temper and spirit which governed Lundy's actions, and appeared more decidedly in the course of events.

On the 20th March, captain James Hamilton arrived from England with 680 barrels of powder, and arms for 2000 men. He brought to Lundy the king's and queen's commission as governor of the town, with instructions for swearing into office the different civil and military officers, and promises of speedy assistance. The king and queen were then proclaimed in the city. The remainder of the month and the beginning of April were spent in active preparations for an expected siege. It was on the 13th of April that Mr Walker received accounts

of the approach of the enemy, and immediately rode to Londonderry to apprize Lundy of the information. Lundy received the intelligence with slight, and pretended to treat it as a false alarm. Walker returned to Lifford, and the same evening the Irish army came in sight at Clodyford.* On their presence being ascertained, several persons, among whom David Cairnes is chiefly mentioned, urged Lundy to secure the passes of Fin water, that the enemy might not get over before the city should be ready for its defence. Lundy replied that his orders were already given. Having already betrayed every post over which he possessed either authority or influence, he now exercised his authority for the betrayal of the last trust committed to him, and having, as he hoped, by treacherous dispositions of the resources of the garrison, provided for the betrayal of the city, he had in this also, taken the most efficient means in his power to prevent any interruption to the approach of its enemy. But the firmness of its defenders, in some measure, baffled this treachery. King James' troops under Hamilton and Pasignan, were directed immediately to ford the river at Clodyford. Here they should have been stopped by Lundy, who on the 14th took the command of the troops destined to oppose their passage: as they approached he pretended to distrust the courage of his men, and made a precipitate retreat to Derry. The enemy advanced to Lifford, where they met a spirited and efficient resistance through the whole night, from colonel Crofton and captain Hamilton. In the morning they were joined by Walker, who then according to his orders from Lundy, proceeded to take his post at the long causeway, and colonel Crofton remained to maintain the advanced post against the enemy. Their ammunition being spent, the soldiers under Crofton were compelled to retreat: they were necessarily joined by Walker's companies, and both effected an orderly retreat into Derry, to the number of 10,000 men. Walker immediately waited on governor Lundy, and strongly urged that he should lead out the whole garrison with the troops, on this occasion, added to their force, and take the field against the advancing enemy. Lundy objected that the conduct of the troops on the previous day had not been such as to warrant much confidence in their efficiency, and refused. Walker was of a very different opinion as to the conduct and efficiency of the troops, and of the expediency of a forward movement.† On the 15th, colonels Cunningham and Richards arrived from England, with two regiments, and a supply of ammunition. Many of those who had come from Coleraine and Dromore, were so discouraged by the great apparent weakness of the town, and the deficiency of most of the essential means and materials of defence, that they refused to remain, and thus for a time caused great depression in the garrison, as well as among the citizens. There was a want of horse for sallies; no engineers to direct their work; no fireworks to annoy the besiegers; not a gun rightly mounted on the walls; while the crowd of useless persons assembled on the walls was very numerous, and materially tended to aggravate and hasten the subsequent calamitous effects of scarcity, by the increased consumption of a