in the same year, Sarsfield recovered it again by another not dissimilar manœuvre, favoured by the treachery of colonel Lundy. It was considered by the Jacobites an important post to keep up their communication between Connaught and Ulster. After the surrender of Charlemont fort, O'Regan was sent as governor of Sligo, to take the chief command in the immediately surrounding counties. Soon after, lieutenant-colonel Ramsay was detached with 100 regulars, and 400 of the militia, to observe the force and position of the Jacobites in the same districts. As he advanced to Ballysadare bridge, Sir Teague appeared with a party of 80 horse and 200 foot, posted to great advantage. Ramsay at once attacked, and a tough struggle ensued; this was, however, decided by the arrival of another party of English, on which Sir Teague's men gave way, and were pursued nearly up to the fort of Sligo. In this pursuit O'Regan was closely followed by an English sergeant of dragoons, and nearly seized as he entered the The sergeant, however, laid hold of another person of the name of Mulholland, who was a storekeepert in the town. "Who," said Mulholland, accosting his captor, "do you think that crooked-back fellow is who rode on before me?" "I thought it was your servant,” replied the soldier; "He was Sir Teague O'Regan," said Mulholland. "Then," said the other, "that is twenty guineas out of my pocket, for I would have got that sum for bringing him to the general."‡ town. * Colonel Mitchelbourne was at this time posted at Ballyshannon with his regiment, and a strong body of north-country militia, to intercept any communication with the Jacobites of Donegal and Tyrone. By a masterly line of posts, he managed to invest Sligo at a distance, according to the expression of Harris, so that all relief by land was shut out, unless by mastering some of those posts which were well defended by breastworks and other fortifications. Within the city there was, however, a strong and select garrison, besides the regiments of Sir Teague and colonel Scott. The city was exceeding strong, both in its position and its defences, and of the last importance as one of its forts commanded the only pass from the north of Connaught into Donegal, and other parts of Ulster. This fort, north-east of the town upon a high hill, was called Sir T. O'Regan's fort: it was square, occupied an acre of ground, and was guarded by strong bastions, with platforms at either end; the gates were defended by a half-moon, and the whole enclosed by a deep and wide fosse, from which the hill fell abruptly, so as to form a natural glacis. It commanded the town and river, and contained a deep draw-well which supplied the garrison with water; this fort was of sodwork, and had been recently repaired and strengthened by lord Kingston. Another strong fort of stone, with four bastions, stood and was the upon quay, the work, it is thought, of the same nobleman. Mitchelbourne kept up so rigid a discipline among the soldiers under his command, that his protection was sought and found effectual by some high and many respectable families about Sligo; by means of this resort he was supplied with the best intelligence, and obtained instant posses * Harris. ↑ Harris says a lieutenant;" both may be true. Graham. 66 sion of every rumour. He soon became acquainted with the fact, that the town was suffering the greatest distress from the interruption of all supplies. From this he was led to the premature inference that a surrender was likely to be the immediate result; but he had not sufficiently allowed for the iron temper of O'Regan, who, as Harris says, "could fast as well as fight." Three weeks elapsed in unrelenting and vigilant leaguer on the one side, and unrelaxing obstinacy on the other, when on the 6th of August, Mitchelbourne acquainted the government that O'Regan had offered to surrender on the 15th, but the terms were so large," that the lords thought it necessary to apply for consent to De Ginckle. It is not precisely known how it occurred that this negotiation became protracted, and the treaty frustrated. A dispute which arose between Mitchelbourne and the militia under his orders, or a difficulty about £800 which was to have been paid to Sir Teague or his friends, by whom he was influenced, and of which the levy was retarded by some informality, were assigned as reasons:* the latter is not unlike the truth. O'Regan was more accessible to an appeal of this nature than to fear or hunger, and the government feeling the expediency of saving time, were content to pay the price. But the matter having ended abruptly, it was thought fit to send a fresh force from Dublin, to prevent the possibility of the town being left to afford winter-quarters to the Jacobites. This was the more imperatively necessary, as the arrival of relief from France was anticipated by the fears or wishes of either side, and it is not improbable, as Mr Graham observes, that O'Regan had been merely negotiating to gain time. Sir Albert Conyngham was ordered from Loughrea, where he was posted with his dragoons to join Baldearg O'Donel, and both had orders to move towards Sligo. A thousand foot, with five hundred cavalry, and three guns, were detached from Dublin in the same direction, all of which, with the small body of troops under Mitchelbourne, were to complete a force of 5000 men for the reduction of Sligo under lord Granard. When Conyngham joined O'Donel, he found him seriously embarrassed by a mutiny in his brigade, a large division of whom had been seduced, by one of his officers, into a declaration for the Jacobite cause. By prudent remonstrance, and the combination of persuasion and authority, the leader of the mutineers was brought back to his duty, and the other officers followed with their men. On the 5th September, O'Donel having received orders to march nearer to Sligo, Conyngham took post at Colooney with a party of his dragoons, intending to rejoin O'Donel on the following day. On the same night, however, colonel Scott, of the garrison, marched out with 500 chosen men, and proceeded to the place: the distance was but five miles, and by daybreak he approached under cover of a thick fog; and, without alarming the outposts, surprised the party, altogether unprepared for resistance. They slew twenty, and possessed themselves of all their tents and baggage. Conyngham had at first been taken as a prisoner, but was immediately after slain by a sergeant, who, as he pierced his body with his halbert, insulted him with a coarse and brutal jest, "Halbert † Harris. *Letter of Sir C. Porter cited by Harris. is your name, and by a halbert you shall die." The few who escaped of this party took refuge at Boyle. But the party of Scott were driven next day back into the town by O'Donel. On the 10th September, lord Granard arrived at Athlone, and was joined by the principal bodies under his command, with the exception of Mitchelbourne, who was busily engaged in driving the garrison from their outworks; and before he marched to Sligo, lord Granard had the satisfaction to learn, that the garrison had been forced to retire into the fort of sodwork which we have already described. There during the recent cessation, they had collected large stores of corn and cattle: relying on their numbers, and encouraged by the disaster of Conyngham, they were flushed with confidence at being enabled to hold out against every effort to reduce them. Having detached Baldearg O'Donel to take Ballymote, a service which he easily performed, lord Granard advanced to Sligo. On his way he experienced much difficulty in passing the Carlin mountains, from the want of horses of sufficient strength to draw his artillery; so that this service was effected by the men, who placed themselves with ready alacrity in the harness, and dragged the train over the most difficult steeps. On his arrival at Sligo, lord Granard probably found his work nearly concluded by the persevering efforts of Mitchelbourne. He began, however, by ordering a battery to be raised, and a fire to be opened on the town. Here, according to Harris, (from Clark's correspondence,) the garrison, intimidated by the appearance of lord Granard's artillery, beat a parley the next day, and surrendered on the 15th. But Mr Graham notices, that Mitchelbourne's correspondence, published in London the year after, represents the town as taken some days before lord Granard's appearance. We must say that we are inclined to suspect, that each party in question was in some degree willing to obtain the credit of the transaction. The accounts are reconcileable enough, insomuch that in reading over the statement of Harris, and before looking into Mr Graham's account, we passed in our mind a comment, amounting to the statement as alleged to be given by Mitchelbourne. For Harris tells us, that Sir Teague and his garrison were driven into the sodfort, and Mitchelbourne says no more. The difference, in reality, lies in the substantial value which each narrator seems to place on the same fact. The work cited by Mr Graham says, that Mitchelbourne represented to lord Granard, that the "surrender might be considered in a manner as concluded," as the garrison, consisting of twenty-eight companies, were pinned up within so small a compass.* Now, to decide upon the merits of either party concerned, we think it unnecessary to object to any of the allegations made by either statement. Mitchelbourne had virtually reduced the garrison to the necessity of a surrender; but the surrender does not appear to have occurred until the time, or otherwise than in the manner stated by Harris. It appears to us evident, that lord Granard opened his fire unnecessarily, for the purpose of obtaining the formal credit of an achievement which he was commissioned to effect; and it is not in the nature of things, that Mitchelbourne did not, on his part, feel that the chaplet which he *Graham. had dearly won, was thus unfairly transferred. But the fact seems to be, that the town was taken, and the garrison held the fort which commanded it. Nor, can it be said what further struggles might have followed. The sight of lord Granard's strong array and formidable train completed the effect of Mitchelbourne's valour and skill. A parley was beaten, and on the 15th the fort was surrendered; on condition, "that the garrison should march to Limerick with their arms and baggage, and all the little garrisons thereabouts, in the hands of the Irish, should have the benefit of the capitulation." ""* Mitchelbourne was appointed governor of the place. Large stores of food and ammunition were found in the fort. Of the remaining circumstances of Mitchelbourne's life, we have not as yet ascertained anything. But in the calm which so soon followed the events of the stormy summer and autumn of 1691, it is probable that he reposed in quiet under the shade of the laurels he had won. The small transactions in which we have been tracing so much of his career as belongs to our political history, have clearly manifested much of the higher qualifications of war. Skill, caution, promptness, and indefatigable activity, are perceptibly combined in the conduct of his first line of operations, as well as in the masterly manner in which a brave and not unskilful enemy was reduced from line to line into his inner defences.t James, Second Duke of Ormonde. BORN A. D. 1665.-DIED A. D 1745. THIS nobleman, who succeeded his illustrious grandfather in his title and estates in 1688, was born in the castle of Dublin, April 29th, 1665, and was sent to France at ten years old, under the superintendence of Mons. l'Ange, for the purpose of acquiring the French language, along with the fashionable accomplishments of the day: the tutor, however, proving unworthy, his pupil was quickly recalled to England, and placed by his grandfather in Oxford, where he continued until the death of his father, lord Ossory, in 1680. About two years after this event, when he was only seventeen, he was married to the daughter of lord Hyde, afterwards earl of Rochester. She, dying early, left him a widower in his twentieth year. He had previously commenced his military career in France as a volunteer, and was, in 1685, appointed a lord of the bedchamber. He served against the duke of Monmouth in the west, and had a share in the victory over that unfortunate nobleman at Sedgemore. He shortly after entered into a second marriage with the lady Mary Somerset, daughter to the duke of Beaufort, which union had been contemplated by the members of both families, previous to his former marriage. He was elected chancellor of the University of Oxford in 1688, in the room of his grandfather, *Harris. +We here conclude the series of memoirs having relation to the events of the Revolution. and about the same period took possession of his house in St James's Square. He strenuously opposed the fatal and despotic measures of James, and joined in the petition against a free parliament; receiving, however, a sharp rebuke for his interference, he suddenly left the court, along with prince George of Denmark, and was one of the first of the English nobility who publicly joined the prince of Orange. He was accordingly attainted the following year, and his estate of £25,000 per annum seized by the king. On William's coronation he was appointed high constable of England, and colonel of the second troop of guards, being also made gentleman of his bedchamber, and installed a knight of the Garter. He accompanied William to Ireland, and was present at the battle of the Boyne; shortly after which he was despatched with his uncle lord Auverquerque, and nine troops of horse, to take possession of Dublin. On William's proceeding to Kilkenny, the duke entertained him splendidly at his castle, and afterwards accompanied him both to England and Holland. In the battle of Neer-Landen, when charging the enemy, he received several wounds, and had a horse shot under him, when a soldier being about to stab him, he was rescued by an officer of the French guards, and taken prisoner to Namur. Here he expended a large portion of his own revenues in relieving the wants of his fellowprisoners, through the instrumentality of the governor, count Guiscard. He was shortly after exchanged for the duke of Berwick, whom Churchhill had made prisoner. On his return to England, the king created his brother Charles, lord Butler, baron of Weston in the county of Huntingdon, and earl of Arran in Ireland. He again accompanied the king to Holland, and was exposed to a most destructive fire at the taking of Namur from the French. The king being determined to reduce the exorbitant power of France, and to sustain the claim of the house of Austria to the throne of Spain, against the assumed right of the grandson of Louis the 14th, planned, with the duke of Ormonde, and the prince of D'Armstadt, the attack on Cadiz, both by sea and land at the same moment. The duke was selected by him as commander-in-chief of the land forces; but the king dying before it could be effected, the appointment was confirmed to him by Anne, who, resolving to continue the same line of policy adopted by William, despatched a fleet of a hundred and sixty ships on the first of July, 1702, for the accomplishment of this project; and at the same time appointed Sir George Rooke vice-admiral of England, and commander of the naval forces in the expedition. He was neither so sanguine as others respecting this undertaking, nor very zealous in promoting its success; it seemed as if he had undertaken it merely in compliance with the queen's command, and was predetermined to give it as little personal aid as possible. Whether this was owing to any private understanding between the ministers and himself, or to a jealousy at sharing the command with Ormonde is still a question; but it is certain that the duke was impressed with the opinion that Sir George never lent it his hearty concurrence, and that its failure was mainly attributable to his slackness. Its failure, however, was chiefly attributable to the opposite and divided councils of the sea and land |