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lucky speculators, but indicates no increase of national wealth. But there are other symptoms that presage well for British Columbia's future, and that promise to make her a sound asset for Canada and the Empire. New industries are gradually but surely coming to take part in her development along with the lumber trade. Mineral wealth is there waiting for development. The access to the Pacific, which opens a new portal to the East, must stir new ambitions, and open a vista of new possibilities. The prizes will not be gained without severe competition, but the energy to meet that competition is in abundant evidence. It is no little matter that Imperialist loyalty flourishes nowhere better than in British Columbia, that farthest landmark of Empire, where the West once more meets the East.

It is a dramatic meeting, and it is set in dramatic surroundings. As we drop gradually down from the mountain barrier that we have crossed and pass through the gloomy portals of gigantic forests, we feel that we have come to a new land. Light and air and sunshine burst upon us, and it is only where the forest almost meets the sea that we find that its domain has been seriously invaded, and that its advanced sentinels have been mowed down to give room for streets and towering skyscrapers. There is nothing to suggest the fact that only six-and-twenty years ago primeval forest held the whole region in its sway where now

broad streets and electric tramways and reeking chimneys and the long façades of huge factories are pushing their obtrusive presence, heedless of its solemn dignity. Only here and there we are reminded of the rapid transformation, by seeing the gaunt remnants of colossal pines sticking up close by the wall of a freshly-risen pile of ten - storey buildings.

These remnants are like hunted ghosts, gibbering at the profanation of their secular mysteries.

Here, as it were, Canada has come to the boundary of her domain-a boundary that opens long vistas of new development. The present feverish haste to make rapid profits out of land speculation, which adds nothing to the store of national wealth, will surely pass. Already prudent schemes are being started which will prevent the denudation of the country by lumber export. The abundant store of energy which is to be found in the ever-increasing stream of enterprising immigrants, towards which the rest of the world is making rich contributions, will assuredly develop manufactures under very favourable conditions. And we have at least this security, that British Columbia is solid in its loyalty to the Imperial ideal, and that the most distant link in the

chain that binds together British North America in fidelity to one flag is also one of the strongest, and the least likely to be snapped by any centrifugal force. It is not without significance that

the tone and temper of the citizens of Vancouver and of Victoria are as characteristically British as any that we can meet in the three thousand miles from Montreal to the Pacific.

The British traveller is dull and unsympathetic who does not catch from the journey a new sense of Imperial unity, who does not learn something of the problems that lie before the Dominion, and feel some sympathy with the difficulties she has to meet. On the question of annexation with America, Canada has pronounced her judgment once for all. She knows how she was tempted by tricky promises; she is the stronger for her refusal of the bait ; and she has learned since what were the motives that lay behind the temptation, and has seen the ulterior aims

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roughly and cynically proclaimed. Canada will will not knowingly surrender her birthright as a partner in the British Empire for any Willo' the wisp of commercial advantage. But none the less there exists a more insidious danger, because it is less observed. Is the visitor quite deceived who fancies that there is some growth of Americanising sentiment spreading itself amongst certain sections of Canadians? They are ready to resist avowed political schemes, and annexation, as such, is abhorrent to the mass of Canadians. But are they quick to discern that assimilation of temperament in certain quarters which may work its results as certainly, though

with less chance of detection? Is it wise to encourage tendencies, in the younger generation especially, that may create sympathies antagonistic to the real trend of Canadian nationality? The subject is one too dangerous for dogmatism or advice: we at most can hazard a suggestion. Canada has a personality of her own, which is too valuable to be exchanged for an easy adoption of American types, American ideals, American fashions.

But the real problem for Canada undoubtedly is, the antagonistic racial feeling which has its roots deep in certain sections of the French population. There lies the crux of the Canadian politician. We recognise, with all respect, the presence of divergent parties in Canadian politics, and we would be sorry to attack the essential loyalty of either. But that section of French feeling to which we refer is essentially antagonistic to the prevailing spirit of the country. It perverts and twists to its own evil ends the divergences of party politics. It imposes a bar and an impediment, so far as it can, to any great scheme of Imperial consolidation. It finds its profit in keeping old sores open, in reviving controversies already settled, and in stirring up imaginary grievances in the minds of the most ignorant of the population.

The stupendous question of to-day, alike for England and for Canada, is the maintenance of the Imperial control of the sea. The only question which links us together by the tie of

vital interest is the policing of the highway of the ocean. Once that highway loses its security, the knell of British as of Canadian prosperity is sounded. That both countries should combine in the task of defending it is the essential guarantee of their partnership.

But to any such scheme that French section to which we have referred is ready to show the most relentless hostility, and to back that hostility by the most flagrant misrepresentation, framed to catch the ears of the unthinking habitant, who is taught that a naval contribution means the kidnapping of his sons, who are to be shipped across the ocean to fight England's battles.

Sir Wilfrid Laurier has at all times met with wholehearted welcome from the British nation, and it is no business of ours to interfere with the party politics of Canada or to obtrude our sympathy on either side. We can only express our fervent hope that Sir Wilfrid Laurier may continue to command that welcome by the patriotism that is above party. We would not have presumed even to express that hope, were it not that some of his most recent utterances have stirred deep hostility in Canada, and have given to ourselves strong searchings of heart. Reciprocity with the United States has surely been sufficiently exposed to render it unwise for any Canadian leader to revive it as Sir Wilfrid Laurier has done. Still less can it be expedient at this moment to inflame the

bitterness of racial antipathy by appeals to prejudice.

A grave task lies before Mr Borden and his colleagues, in deciding how Canada may contribute to the great scheme of Imperial Defence. We would be disposed to make little account of exact proportion, and not to be too careful as regards any balance on one side or the other in the budget of expense. But we cannot but urge that naval defence must rest upon a single scheme, and that subdivisions and divergent counsels spell disaster: and further, that organisation during peace must be the basis of organisation for war. It may not be amiss to suggest that practical experience would soon tell against any such morcellement, and that the personnel of a Canadian navy would soon protest against any scheme which confined them to Canadian waters, and bounded their ambition by the command of a Canadian contingent.

We are unwilling, however, to say anything which may increase the difficulty of the task which now faces the Canadian Government. We have full confidence in the patriotism and in the Imperial instincts of Mr Borden. But two things are essential to his success, and they must be supplied by His Majesty's Government at home. In the first place, Canada must be given a voice in consultations upon Imperial policy, in proportion to her contribution. This must be given in no grudging spirit. No specious offers of con

fidential talk, after decisions have been taken, can meet the fair demand of the Dominion. To decide how this share is to be given is a task which demands statesmanship, but which ought not to be beyond the powers of far-sighted prudence. To lay the foundations of such a scheme of confederation requires qualities far different from those that have been exhibited in abortive schemes for partitioning the United Kingdom into an ill-assorted heptarchy.

Secondly, Mr Borden and his colleagues must be supplied with ample information as to the real dangers that threaten the Empire, so as to justify the proposals which he may feel it to be his duty to lay before the Canadian Parliament. It is not sufficient to hint at dangers, and not to give to these dangers the full and explicit documentary expression which the Canadian Cabinet has a right to demand. The British Cabinet, as it is now constituted, has forced us to be suspicious of its motives and dubious as to its tactics. If, from any fancied tactical gain, or from any sordid temptation to embarrass the Canadian Cabinet in meeting the party led by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, our present Government were lacking in that essential frankness, such shiftiness would add a heavy load of responsibility to that for which they will one day have to answer.

Unfortunately we have very distinct evidence that, amongst a certain section of the Radical

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party, such a dastardly policy would be welcomed. organ of the present Government, which reflects the worst tendencies of that party, 'The Nation,' we read as follows (Sept. 7, 1912):

"We do not know what are the precise proposals about the Navy that Mr Borden has taken back with him to Canada, but we do very strongly urge that Mr Churchill cannot and must not put the Liberal Government into antagonism with the Liberal Party in Canada. . . . It is no part of any Liberal Government's duty to assist in furthering a policy which is essentially Conservative. . . . It would not be impartiality, but levity, to approve of a Liberal Navy policy when it is put forward by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and when something like an opposite policy is put forward by his Conservative successor, to approve that too, and help him to develop it."

Let us consider what this means. It is a plain declaration that the duty of an English Government is not to accept the Government placed in power by Canadian votes, but to undermine its influence and to thwart its aims in order to further Radical views. Treasonable suggestion could go to no more daring lengths, nor could party spite evince tactics more despicable. We shall have to watch whether such suggestions, and such tactics, receive any countenance from those who, unfortunately, hold for the moment the fortunes of the Empire in their hands.

A PATH TO REALITY.

THE grave resolution of Ulster to refuse, in all circumstances and at all hazards, the gift of Home Rule, which is no gift, has done something more than kill a monstrous Bill. It has shown us a path to reality. For years we have been bidden by our demagogues to live upon words. Rhetoric has done the work of thought and act. Silly catchwords, inspiring vague and evil passions, have been considered the chief duty of statesmanship. Law and honour, the decencies of life, the future of the country, have been gaily put up to auction and knocked down to the men who seemed to command the largest number of votes. For those who have any regard for political honesty and the pride of England the time which has elapsed since the fraudulent passage of the Parliament Bill has seemed like a nightmare. The nightmare is dissipated at last. Ulster has shown us a path to reality.

If Mr Asquith were to carry out the intention, of which he boasts, and place Home Rule upon the Statute Book, Ulster would forcibly reject it. It declines to be driven out of the Union. It will not initiate rebellion; it will oppose it when it is thrust most wickedly upon it. Were Home Rule passed, it would be passed only and solely by Mr Redmond and

his henchmen, by men who are pledged frankly and openly, everywhere save in the House of Commons, to set no limit to the aspirations of their "nation," to be content with nothing

save complete independence. In the task of imposing this revolution upon Ulster, England has had no share. The largest party in the House of Commons is united in opposition to its provisions. In brief, Ulster is to be enslaved by no other votes than the votes of the Redmondites and Molly Maguires, her declared enemies. If for an hour she submitted to so gross a tyranny she would lose the respect of honest men. She will not submit, and in determining thus to defend her honour and the liberty of her folk she has lifted our politics from the pit of verbose triviality into which they had fallen.

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