He who creates all beauty will lose more His celestial boons to ye and your's. of thou; and Sam. Johnson, I am Ye, us'd to be the nominative plural told, still has it so.-Vide most expressly his Dictionary. Am I too severe, my Lord, in saying, that these are a few weeds in composition, for which little boys, in Is not this, on the least reflection, former times, stood in jeopardy of a arrant nonsense? whipping? Of these solecisms and Latet anguis in herba, is a very old adage; but you have tried to scare us with so great a simpleton, so mere a non-compos, anglice' "nincumpoop," that I must conclude with another couplet, albeit little us'd to poetry : Grannum Eve was beguil'd by a snake in the grass, But Byron has turn'd the sly snake to an ass. And so, my Lord, no more at present, from, with all humility, and in hopes of your Lordship's farther progress in my school-master's assistant, your most obedient servant, THOMAS DILWORTH. THE PRESENT STATE OF IRELAND. To the EDITOR of the COUNTRY CONSTITUTIONAL GUARDIAN. SIR, THE following observations are the result of an acquaintance with Ireland and its affairs for more than half a century. The arrangement of them may not be as methodical as it ought to be, nor the language as persuasive as could be wished, but they are the sentiments of a plain man, whose aim is to point out to others the necessity of their using exertion and wise deliberation to form some plan, that may bring about present tranquillity and lead to the establishment of some permanent Acts of the Legislature likely to ensure the internal peace of the Empire. If such Acts should be called penal, or be felt oppressive on any part of the community, it must be recollected that the state of Ireland called for them, and that it is better to curb the ambition of a few demagogues, than that the happiness, lives and peace of a whole kingdom should be either destroyed or kept under terror of perpetual violence. The quiet honest man will pursue his avocations without murmur, if he thinks himself and his property secure. The refractory subjects of his Majesty must submit to restraints which bad conduct has rendered unavoidable. SPECTATOR. THE PRESENT STATE OF IRELAND. -Sæpe coorta est THE native Irish boast much of their antiquity as a nation, and derive their origin, as they say, from the Phoenicians. Indeed, this has been an opinion long credited and supported by similarities in language and also some peculiarities of customs, as the head dress of women, also the round towers still visible in parts of Ireland, of which the use (if ever there was any utility in them) is now entirely unknown, nor does even tradition in this instance assist research; all that can be said is, they are solid circular fabrics resembling large columns, and it is said, that Africa and some parts of Asia still exhibit similar structures. But to leave such things to the observations of the antiquaries, let us look into what passess under our own eyes. From whatever nation the Irish may claim their descent, as far as ever true history reaches, they have been a very ferocious people; easily irritated, fickle in attachments, quick in resentments, cruel in revenge, acute in intellect, robust in person, patient of fatigue, hardy in habits, and frugal in diet. With a people of these temperaments, whom connexions and alliances of so many years have not yet fully reconciled to obedience to the laws of the realm, caution must be observed. Every good citizen shuold be as anxious for the safety of the common wealth, as the industrious bee is active for the increase of her hive. Every part of the empire is an object worthy of his attention, and the remotest point, however it may be apparently unconnected, is still joined by the same links which bind him to the support of the constitution. Distance does not dissolve the association, and wherever danger is to be apprehended, to that point the good citizen will direct his care. It he neglects to do so, that supposed distant danger may reach his own door before he is aware. Ireland now forms such an integral part of Great Britain, that could it be seperated from it, each would become an easy prey to any enemy who might attack them. Notwithstanding this so evident a truth, yet some malignant agitators have had such a design, and rendered the idea in a certain degree familiar, by comparing the kingdoms of England and Ireland to a ship and her boat astern; that when the ship was engaged with a foreign foe, it would be easy to cut the painter, (i. e. the rope by which she was heid.) This is not a new thought, it has been handed down from the time of the Spanish Armada, and has been repeatedly uttered and promulgated by the seditious within these last thirty years. The difference of religion in the mass of the people of Ireland from that which has been established by law, has been, is at this moment, and ever will be (while Popery and its tenets prevail) a perpetual source of disaffection to government, of ill will to Protestants, and of breaches of those laws by which society is supported. To enu merate the efforts which have been made to destroy the reformed religion, and introduce in its stead the errors of Popery, would be to write a history; let it suffice to say, every effort has been attended with bloodshed and barbarity. The scenes which have taken. place in Ireland within these few months, have been of as black a dye, and savage a character, as ever disgraced the annals of any nation which deserved to be called civilized. These so frequent repetitions of horrible transactions must compel every good and loyal citizen to look, not only at the cause, but anxiously for some remedy; not a present palliative, but to what will finally prevent a recurrence of such scenes. The consideration of this subject requires the most serious attention, and the most steady co-operation of all who wish well to the constitution, and the most determined inflexibility of all ranks in the Protestant communion, and of the firm support of the Legislature in all its branches. The Catholics of the present day assert, that a violation of the articles agreed on at the siege of Limerick is what they have principally to complain of. Before entering on this part of the subject, let it be remembered, that from the days of Queen Elizabeth to those of King William the Third, rebellions, massacres, and seditions, were ever either in active operation, or smothered concealment. That most decisive punishments and most penal statutes were found, not only necessary, but the only means of preserving the lives of the loyal inhabitants. Let it also be well remembered, that the very same causes which forced the enactment of these statutes, are operating in full force at this very moment. Let it not be overlooked or forgotten, that a late address to the Catholics of Ireland from an individual, has dared to assert, that " any act of the Legislature to revive a Penal Code, would be, to 'Cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war.'' If the Legislature is thus to be dictated to, or threatened with impunity, it becomes doubly incumbent upon every good citizen to rouse himself from inactivity and look well to his own preservation. If the Legislature overlooks these things as insignificant from the weakness of the party using such expressions, the Legislature must be informed, that the massacres perpetrated and seditions now in active operation, owe their present excitement and existence to the principles of some individuals of this party; who, however weak in themselves, have power to inflame and set in motion a body, which requires the skill and exertion of the executive of the whole empire of Great Britain to keep under subjection. What a state of ruin must ensue if such exertion should be so constantly called for!!! If persons and property cannot be preserved from midnight spoliation, it necessarily follows, safety must be sought elsewhere. This indeed is the point the Irish Catholics aim at and desire. They wish to have the country to themselves, and that the Heretics should be expelled and deprived of all the estates they have any way gained, whether by conquest or subsequently by purchase and right of inheritance. The opinions of a few statesmen, who think that religion is not the motive of the present rebellion, nor the expulsion of Protestants the end aimed at, must be compared with the acts of these midnight murderers, and the conduct pursued by the Peasantry in the payments of rents, tythes, and taxes. When this comparison is made by dispassionate judgment, the result will be found to be, an effort to destroy the present state of things, and then a total subversion of the government. The rebellion of Shan O'Neil, and every subsequent rebellion and insurrection, have manifested this so clearly, that nothing but wilful blindness can prevent its being visible to even a common observer. Statesmen have endeavoured, and statesmen may still endeavour to smother this latent fire, but it will blaze out sooner or later, if not absolutely quenched!! To be always walking over concealed embers is intolerable; volcano-like, the internal combustion will cause the external substance to fall in and increase the conflagration. What government can withstand incessant attack from an enemy fed in its very vitals! Years upon years have experimentally proved, that Popery will not accept of full toleration in the empire, it must struggle for supremacy. The destruction of all other religions, (under the denomination of Heresy) is its most instrinsic principle; all its energies and devices are directed to this one point!! Books, ballads, pamphlets, and paragraphs in newspapers, teem with Catholic sufferings and privations; foreign nations would suppose from such publications, that the Constitution of Great Britain was both despotic and most cruel. The violation of the articles of Limerick is a never-failing topic for such libellers of the government. These articles were thirteen in number; the two first are the only material ones for remark, they contain the substantial parts; the other eleven were rather temporary and personal and of minor consequence. For the benefit of the public, the first and second articles are faithfully copied from an authentic record. 1st. "The Roman Catholics of this kingdom shall enjoy such privileges in the exercise of their religion, as are consistent with the laws of Ireland, or as they did enjoy in the reign of King Charles the Second; and their Majesties, as soon as their affairs will permit them to summon a Parliament in this kingdom, will endeavour to procure the said Roman Catholics such farther security in that particular, as may preserve them from any disturbance upon account of their said religion." 2nd. All the inhabitants or residents of Limerick or any other garrison now in possession of the Irish and all officers and soldiers now in arms under any commission of King James, or those authorised by him to grant the same in the several counties of Limerick, Clare, Kerry, Cork, and Mayo, or any of them, and all the commissioned officers in their Majesties quarters, that belong to the Irish regiments now in being that are treated with, and who are not now prisoners of war, or have taken protection, and who shall return and submit to their Majesties obedience and their and every of their heirs, shall hold possess and enjoy all and every their estates of freehold and inheritance and all the rights, titles, and interests, privileges and immunities which they and every or any of them held, enjoyed, or were rightfully and lawfully enti tled to in the reign of King Charles II. or at any time since, by the laws and statutes that were in force in the said reign of Charles the Second, and shall be put into possession by order of the government of such of them as are in the King's hands, or the hands of his tenants, without being put to any suit or trouble therein, and all such estates shall be freed and discharged from all arrears of crown rents, quit rents and other public charges incurred and become due since Michaelmas 1688 to the day of the date hereof, and all persons comprehended in this article shall have, hold, and enjoy all their goods and chattels real and personal to them or any of them belonging and remaining either in their own hands or in the hands of any person whatsoever in trust for or for the use of them or any of them: and all and every the said persons of what profession trade or calling whatsoever they be, shall and may use exercise and practise their several professions trades and callings as freely as they did use exercise and enjoy the same in the reign of King Charles II. provided that nothing in this article contained be constructed to extend to or to restore any forfeiting person now out of the kingdom except what are hereafter comprised: provided also, that no person whatsoever shall have or enjoy the benefit of this article, that should neglect or refuse to take the oath of allegiance made by act of Parliament in England in the first year of the reign of their present Majesties when thereunto required." The other articles are now of no consequence whatsoever. When the Catholics of the present day can bring any direct charge of violation of these articles against the present government, it is to be supposed, government will be able and willing either to repel such charge, or shew solid foundation for any abrogation of them, for it is clearly expressed in the first article that King William and Queen Mary, as soon as their affairs would permit, would summon a Parliament in Ireland. This open declaration implied, that not only the Roman Catholics, but that they themselves were under the control of Parliament. If this be granted, it demonstrates that Parliament can enact, repeal, alter and determine the meaning of all the Statutes by which the empire is at all times to be governed. By the word Parliament, is to be understood the King, Lords, and Commons, lawfully assembled. To them, therefore, the present disturbed state of Ireland is to be submitted. How far they will receive into their councils men, who acknowledge obedience to the Pope of Rome, is for their consideration and final decision. Privy Councillors have a privilege of speaking their opinions to his Majesty in person; the rest of his Majesty's subjects have the privilege of presenting petitions to him and to Parliament. All good and loyal citizens ought at this important juncture to use that privilege, and express with all due respect their opinions as well as their experiences on the transactions now taking place in Ireland!! The Roman Catholics there cannot deny that they enjoy the full toleration of their religion. Indeed they do not carry the Host, as they call it, in grand procession through the streets and compel the Protestants to kneel down in the dirt to it, as they are obliged to do in Popish countries; but they enjoy their worship as much as is compatible with the peace of all other denominations of Christians tolerated by the laws of the land To use every lawful means to prevent any increase of power to Catholics, is now absolutely necessary; they use all their energies to increase their number and to acquire influence in the State; should they obtain that to any extent, what have Protestants to apprehend? To eradicate the Catholic superstitions, to alter their church discipline, is only in the power of the Pope and his councils. Our King and his Government have not, nor ever can have any influence over their spiritual concerns; but his Majesty and his Government would soon find a great alteration both in number and conduct of the Catholics, if they decidedly set their faces against them, by refusing them any office whatsoever in the State. If they will not permit themselves to be instructed in the truths of the Holy Scriptures; if they will still obstinately persevere in their opinions of the propriety of destroying Heretics, they should be as obstinately resisted; and denied any means of injuring those whom they esteem Heretics, but who are really the most loyal of his Majesty's subjects, and whom he is bound by all means to protect. |