same with that of the ancient Scythians; they each professed Buddhism, which preceded Brahmanism; the worship of the White Horse is a characteristic of each religion. In the reign of Syn Mu, Budo, (or Buddha) otherwise called Cobotus, came over from the Indies into Japan, and brought with him, upon a white horse, his religion and doctrine. (vide Kæmpfer's Japan, quoted by Bryant.) White horses in Persia were dedicated to the sun. The Hindoos still venerate horses. The white horse of Germany, of Hanover and Saxony, was the same as that of the eastern nations; the common origin of these tribes has been proved by Faber. The figure of a horse was impressed on the old British coins of a Cassivelaunus (vide Leake's British coins), and many other instances might be quoted. These are sufficient to show that the horse was most probably venerated in this part of Asia. The superstitions of the Greeks and Trojans were the same; and it would excite no surprise therefore among the crowd, when Sinon informed them that the horse could afford protection. They expressed their wonder that the image should be there at all, and that it should be so large, but not a word was uttered against the power of the horse. This was an object of worship as well as the Palladium. We read of no hesitation; his story was implicitly believed, because it offered no violence to their opinions or customs. These considerations will sufficiently answer the question, "why should the image of a horse be built?" It was equally venerated by both, and was as sacred as the lost Palladium. Another question suggests itself: How was it possible that a fabric so immense could be built? The answer is easy. The people who professed this religion were of the very same family with those who built the pyramids, excavated mountains, began the tower of Babel, erected large masses in remembrance of the mountain on which the ark rested, (the original Meru and Ida,) and every where excelled in constructing works, which to this day are celebrated for their stupendous magnitude. Some surprise was undoubtedly expressed at the bulk of the statue, but by no means so much as might have been expected, had they been entirely unaccustomed to such vast undertakings. They believe the first part of Sinon's story, because it was not improbable; the reason he assigned why the Greeks had made it of this great bulk was equally credible. He assures them that the Greeks were anxious to prevent their new Palladium from entering into the citadel, and therefore they had attempted to defeat the object of the command of Minerva, who instructed them to build it, by constructing it in such a manner, that the Trojans should not be able to receive it. The superstitious Trojans believe the story, and lose their city. Unless there be some meaning of this kind, the Poet has lost sight of poetical probability. No nation could be so absurd as to break down their walls, and listen, as the Trojans are represented, to the tale of a captive, unless that tale be probable, consistent, and apparently true. Why should the figure of a horse, rather than of any other animal, have been built? why should the horse possess the talismanic powers of the Palladium, unless the strange story of Sinon were at least plausible, and suited to the preconceived notions of the people he addressed ? An additional argument in favor of some such hypothesis as the present, may be adduced from the manner in which the horse was received into the city. I refer your readers to the description in Buchanan's travels of the manner in which the immense Car of Jaghernaut was drawn by the people it is parallel to the account in Virgil of the joy of the Trojans when their new Palladium was received among them. All apply themselves to the work they assist at the ropes: the boys and the virgins sing round it their sacred hymns, and rejoice to touch the rope with their finger. Why was this rejoicing? Their religion had instructed them to venerate the horse, as well as the image of Minerva; and they exulted in the protection of the new representative of the Deity. These remarks are undoubtedly theoretical, but they are probable. Perhaps it would not be difficult to collect many similar coincidences, to illustrate the manners, customs, religion, commerce, opinions, and general history of the first postdiluvian ages. It certainly might be proved that Troy was a small town; Priam a patriarchal prince; that a war actually took place, which was rendered of importance by the several confederacies which it originated; and that the magnificent poem of Homer, from a proper appreciation of which so much remains to be collected, was as certainly founded on fact, as the "Jerusalem delivered" of Tasso, or the Lusiad of Camoens. R. M. College, G. TOWNSEND. 7 MISCELLANEA CLASSICA. No. VI. 1. Cic. Tuse. Disp. 1. 2."An censemus, si Fabio nobilissimo homini laudi datum esset quod pingeret, non multos etiam apud nos futuros Polycletos et Parrhasios fuisse?" Davies observes on this passage, "Immo vero artem pictoriam Fabio fuisse laudi satis indicat cognomen ex ea tractum;" and quotes St. Jerom in confirmation of his opinion. Might not, however, the mere singularity of the circumstance, as in many other cases, give rise to the epithet? Cicero himself does not appear to have drawn this conclusion. II. Malcolm's History of Persia, (quoted in the British Review, VII. p. 314.) " Darab" (Darius Codomannus) "sent another ambassador to the court of the Grecian monarch, whom he charged to deliver to him a bat, a ball, and a bag of very small seed, called gunjud. The bat and ball were intended to throw a ridicule on Alexander's youth, being fit amusements for his age: the bag of seed being intended as an emblem of the Persian army being innumerable." Compare with this the following passage from Rapin's Hist. of England, Vol. v. p. 115, 1729. "We find in the English History, that after Henry had sent the first time to demand the crown of France, the Dauphin, in derision of his youth, sent him for a present a tun of tennis-balls. His intent, no doubt, was to let him know, that he thought him fitter to play at tennis, than to manage arms.' For the same message, and Henry's reply, see Shakspeare's Hen. V.; also Rapin's note on the above passage. III. Liv. XLI. 3. "Simul ex omnibus locis ad castra recipienda demendamque ignominiam" (prioris sc. pugnæ) "rediri cœptum est." Quære," delendamque?” IV. Thucydides (1. 23,) speaking of the natural calamities which occurred contemporaneously with the Peloponnesian war, says, "rée τε πρότερον ἀκοῇ μὲν λεγόμενα, ἔργῳ δὲ σπανιώτερον βεβαιούμενα, οὐκ ἄπιστα κατέστη, σεισμῶν τε πέρι, οι ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἅμα μέρος γῆς καὶ ἰσχυρότατοι οἱ αὐτοὶ ἐπέσχον· ἡλίου τε ἐκλείψεις, αἳ πυκνότεραι παρὰ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πρὶν χρόνου μνημονευόμενα ξυνέβησαν· αὐχμοί τε ἔστι παρ' οἷς μεγάλοι, καὶ ἀπ ̓ αὐτῶν καὶ λιμοί· καὶ ἡ οὐχ ἥκιστα βλάψασα, καὶ μέρος τι φθείρασα, ἡ λοιμώδης νόσος.” Baver renders the last clause, "et pestilens morbus, qui Græciam non minimo detrimento affecit, quin etiam quandam ejus partem absumsit." I doubt, however, whether the historian meant to refer to Greece alone; especially if the preceding clauses, on which the meaning of the present seems to depend, are to be understood of the whole human race (ènì nλsïorov épos ys); and I know not how they can be understood otherwise. The pestilence (11. 47, 48) had visited Egypt, Ethiopia, Libya, and great part of the Persian empire, together with the Isle of Lemnos, and other places (unless the λεγόμενον καὶ πρότερον πολλαχόσε ἐγκατασκῆψαι, καὶ περὶ Λήμνον καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις χωρίοις, be supposed to refer to the visitations of a similar calamity in former ages), an extent which might seem to authorise the expression μέρος τι φθείρασα, as applied to the whole human race. V. Cic. Tusc. 111. 2. "Ea" (gloria sc.) “ virtuti resonat tanquam imago." Davies, in his note, quotes various instances of this usage of imago: he has omitted Virg. Georg. IV. 50. “ vocisque offensa resultat imago. VI. Thucydides, in his relation of the last sea-fight in the harbour of Syracuse, after having given the speeches of the commanders on both sides, proceeds: Ο δὲ Νικίας, ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων ἐκπεπληγμένος, καὶ ὁρῶν οἷος ὁ κίνδυνος, καὶ ὡς ἐγγὺς ἤδη ἦν, . . . . καὶ νομίσας (ὅπερ πάσχουσιν ἐν τοῖς μεγάλοις ἀγῶσι) πάντα τε ἔργῳ ἔτι σφίσιν ἐνδεᾶ εἶναι, καὶ λόγῳ αὐτοῖς οὔπω ἱκανὰ εἰρῆσθαι, αὖθις τῶν τριηραρχῶν ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀνεκάλει, πατρόθεν τε ἐπονομάζων, κ. τ. λ. Α friend compares this with the conduct of Hannibal in Livy, xxI. 45. before the battle of Ticinus. The historian had just before delivered what he represents as the orations of the respective generals to their armies. "Hannibal.....cum instare certamen cerneret, nihil unquam satis dictum præmonitumque ad cohortandos milites ratus, vocatis ad concionem certa præmia pronunciat, in quorum spem pugnarent, &c." "In VII. Baver, in a note on Thuc. v. 11, (note s) says: Græciæ urbibus quibusdam, quos honorifice sepelire volebant, eos in urbe media et prope forum sæpius aπтov. . . . Idem de Euphrone a Corinthiis sepulto testatur, Plut. in Arat." For Corinthiis read Sicyoniis; unless the error be Plutarch's. See Xen. Hel. vII. 3. s. 8. VIII. In the Vth Number of Miscellanea Classica (Class. J. No. XXXVI. p. 240, art. LVII.) were quoted some instances, from Scripture, of a kind of expression frequent in the lyrical parts of the Greek tragedians. The author lately saw a translation of an old Scandinavian song, in which the feasting on the body of a slain enemy is called, exactly in the same style, a banquet, unseemly, Of flesh. I shall take this opportunity of correcting two errata in the above Number. In Art. XXXI. on Quint. Cal. 1x. 353, οἵ δ' ὅτε δὴ Λήμνον (misprinted Δῆμνον) κίον, ἠδὲ καὶ ἄντρον κοῖλον λαΐνεον read, “ For κοῖλον” (not for κίον) " Rhodoman conjectures ἵκανον or ίκοντο.” In Art. L. read, “ In apposition ” (not in opposition) " to the passage in Ovid.” On Art. xxxv. concerning the quantity of the word Gyges in Horace, it may be remarked, that some editions read " centimanus Gyas." IX. An anecdote is related of Conrad of Würzburg, an ancient German poet, which reminds us of the tradition concerning Antimachus of Colophon. He composed a poem on the Trojan war, of which "the portion which has been printed, and which contains upwards of twenty-five thousand verses, just brings it” (the story)" down to the sacrifice of Iphigenia." Edinburgh Review, vol. xxvI. p. 198. The allusion in the same paragraph to the imperfect armour of the Greeks of the heroic ages, is perhaps not quite correct. The incident which the reviewer has quoted from the poem in question, of " the infant Paris smiling so sweetly' on his murderers," (the persons whom Priam had sent to destroy him)" as to unman them for the completion of their errand,” is related by Herodotus of Cypselus, the father of Periander of Corinth. (Herod. v. 92.) X. Among the examples of harmony quoted from Theocritus by the author of the Essay on the Greek Pastoral Poets (Class. Journ. xxxvi. p. 294) is one from the seventh Idyl: τὸ δ' ἐγγύθεν ἱερὸν ὕδωρ Νυμφᾶν ἐξ ἀντροῖο κατειβόμενον κελάρυσδε. The latter part of this verse is from Hom. II. Φ. 261. τὸ δέ τ ̓ ὦκα κατειβό μενον κελαρύζει Χώρῳ ἐνὶ προαλεῖ. XI. Herod. 111. 35. Περσέων ὁμοῖα τοῖσι πρώτοισι δυώδεκα ἐπὶ οὐδεμιῇ αἰτίῃ ἀξιόχρεῳ ἑλων, (ὁ Καμβύσης,) ζώοντας ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν κατώ ρυξεν. One of the modern kings of Persia is said to have " fastened men alive to branches of trees, and then planted them in avenues with their heads buried, and their limbs in the air, which he wittily called ' a garden of enemies.”” XII. To the collections of metrical lines in former numbers, add the following: Thucyd. 1. 10. (Scaz.) οὔκουν ἀπιστεῖν εἰκὸς, οὐδὲ τὰς ὄψεις 18. ξυμπολεμήσαντες. δυνάμει γὰρ ταῦτα μέγιστα 24. (Var. Lect.) ξυνώκισαν δὲ καὶ Κορινθίων τινὲς 58. νεωτερίζειν μηδὲν, ἐλθόντες δὲ καὶ |