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in the republican principles of Greece and Rome, neglect the maxims of their wisest supporters. The celebrated Apologue of Menenius may well be applied to the modern Reformers; they would refuse support to the genial sun which nourishes them in their unrighteousness, forgetting that it shines on the just and on the unjust; the spirit of invidious detraction rankles in their bosoms; and their hearts, surcharged with the malice of disappointment, vent their accumulated spleen on a monarch whose dignified forbearance would conciliate the men whose souls were not dead to every feeling of honour and integrity.
And yet it is these very men who complain of the censorship under which the press labours; whilst like the Box of Pandora, their printing-offices shower forth, in all directions, sedition and blasphemy; they not only revile their king, but their Creator, and by these works expect to gain the confidence of the nation; but notwithstanding these pernicious efforts to injure the rights of the community, we rejoice to say that the friends of order and the government are quite sufficient for upholding the constitution of the country, provided that system of vigilance is pursued with firmness and stability which has thus far characterized the exertions of the ministry. If we take an extended view of the various forms of government, we shall find that in all constitutions there is necessarily a material difference between the theory of government and its practical existence. If indeed the affairs of the nation glided on in one uninterrupted stream of repose, not acted upon by external violence; if the regulation of taxes and offices under government did not vary directly as our relative situation in respect to foreign countries, what would the constitutional bodies of the legislature avail us! The construction, office, and jurisdiction of courts of law and equity, the rights and privileges of the nation, the prerogatives of each individual, would then be constrained or protected by the laws which our ancestors enacted for the welfare of the state : but surely no man can be so blind to the real interests of the kingdom, as to refuse his assent to any rational system of improvement; it is directly opposing the very nature of this creation. Common sense must point out to the most casual observer, the improvements which science is daily unfolding to the world in every branch of philosophy, are we then to be thankful patrons of the arts which conduce to our conveniences and luxury, and refuse our support to those men who frame laws and regulations, which are not enacted for the individual, but for the state at large; this is perfect madness, and yet this is the professed object of the opposition.
But whilst such is their avowed purpose, it is the subversion of order, a renewal of the French Revolution that in reality actuates them. Insults offered to the majesty of the king, and a wish to deprive him of the power which his meanest subject enjoys of choosing his own servants, clearly prove that their object is to limit the royal prerogative, and to make the king à mere puppet in the hands of his servants. In one instance, this encroaching spirit has been checked, and sincerely do we hope it never will destroy the obvious propriety of vesting in the crown the right of choosing its own defenders, and nominating to places of public trust those men whose fidelity and attachment have been well tried. To a reflecting mind, the folly of encouraging and introducing speculative models of perfection, is at once apparent. In political innovations, we must not look to the immediate effects produced by the change, nor the direct consequences, but carefully examine the collateral results, and consider the incidental and remote evils or advantages which may ensue from a too hasty decision; for, although little else than temporary advantage may be contemplated by the movers of a new act, the inconveniences arising from it, though now unforeseen, may, in the end, alter the whole frame and quality of the British constitution.
It is from these reflections we view with so much horror the gross attacks upon our sovereign; and, we trust, our arguments are equally removed from the puerile admiration of present institutions, and from the distempered spirit which is ever prone to view the dark side of a question, and is alive to the evils, without being able to compute and estimate the advantages of an established form. In thus advocating the cause of our king and country, we by no means aspire to the proyd distinction of champions of order and discipline, but are merely influenced by a desire of checking the growing evils of blasphemy and sedition which have reared their Hydra heads in every corner of the nation, under the influence of abandoned and profligate demagogues, whose hopes are founded on the subversion of the government, and who tamper with the prejudices of an unenlightened multitude, for their own private advantage. It is for this cause that we shall occasionally lay before the public, in the steady and fearless strain of truth, the malevolent insinuations and dark projections of the democratic party, and strive to guard the unwary from being inveigled by the insidious and plausible appeals to the passions, which the disappointed soidisant patriots, seize every occasion of making. There is, perhaps, no better method of counteracting the revolutionary poison which has been industriously administered to the unthinking, no better antidote to the evils which otherwise might spread, than to expose in all their native deformity the secret designs of those men, who, with unparalleled effrontery, have dared to attack the established prerogatives of the nation, and industriously spread the conta gion of discontent throughout these happy realms.
Far, very far, are those men from making the cause of freedom their cause, on the contrary, we may trace their every action to the proper source, and unmasking their designs, discover to
the astonished public, hearts hardened by unfeeling selfishness, denied the common sympathies of humanity. Viewing in this light, and in this light alone, the men who aim at being our tyrants, every British heart must turn with gratitude to those statesmen, who, by a firm, unshaken stability, have preserved the constitution unimpaired, and curbed the daring spirit of disaffection. It is at such moments as these, when the real patriot reflects on the dangers from which he has been preserved, and contemplates the glorious triumph of sound sense over the eloquent appeals to the passions, that his heart feels the bonds of affection to his king drawn closer, and his soul yearns to express his love and gratitude, for the unceasing attention which his monarch has ever exhibited for the public welfare. Since His Majesty's accession to the throne, his paternal regard has, if possible, been displayed in a more eminent degree-even the tongue of malice is compelled to silence. Such is the desperate state of democracy at this period ; and soon, very soon, do we hope to see the last embers extinguished-social order restored, and the establishments and institutions of our country, phenix like, blazing forth in renewed splendour, from this temporary obscurity. “ When the bad conspire, the good should unite," and exert every effort to stem the torrent, which might otherwise overwhelm this free and happy country with anarchy and confusion. The unabated rancour displayed on all occasions by certain individuals, who shower their profligate abuse and insulting derision indiscriminately on all that is great and good, not only merits the individual abhorrence of all good men, but loudly calls for the vigorous interference of the legislature. In no country from the foundation of the world to our own days, has man displayed such a decided regard for virtue, and unqualified abhorrence of vice, as the English nation in the late era of blasphemy and sedition.
The establishment of the Constitutional Association is undoubtedly one of the most honourable circumstances which has marked the present age.
Here we behold private worth and political integrity united in the common cause of virtue and religion ; and this practical method of counteracting the overbearing and mischievous influence in public meetings, which the passionate appeals to the senses possess, will we doubt not ultimately, (being supported by the best skill and talent of the country,) both intellectually and morally improve the British character. The mob orator will be deserted by the crowds which once attended him, and in addition to disappointed ambition, he will be goaded by the never-ceasing stings of envy and a bad conscience; let the loyal subject act with constitutional responsibility, let him never forget his duty to his king, which consists not in passive obedience, but in enforcing by example, the true principles of loyalty, and encouraging by every means in
his power, the emanation of good principles, and fanning the latent sparks of affection for our Sovereign, which are not extinguished, but merely labour under a momentary obscurity. Let him support those men in whom he has discovered indications of honour and integrity, and in a very short period, every eye will beam with affection, every heart throb with loyalty, and every "arm be raised to support the King and Constitution.
After all that has been said by the many writers on this subject, there is perhaps no one thing which could have had so decided an effect on the minds of the public, as the affability which our Monarch has displayed in gratifying the loyal hearts of his subjects, by appearing in public, during his tour not only through his own dominions, but also through those of his august allies, his reception has been unexampled , every where enthusiastic good wishes have followed the wheels of his chariot, which proves, not only the grateful warmth and ardour with which his own immediate subjects view him, but is at the same time an evident and incontrovertible proof of the high interest * and respect with which the policy of Great Britain has been viewed by other nations.
England in her state of pre-eminence, may fearlessly survey the world at large, and proudly conscious, assert her unrivalled superiority over every nation of the earth. But her greatest glory consists not in outward glare and splendid pageantry, but in sterling worth and dignified merit. . Her exertions in the cause of religion and the rights of 'man, entitle her to the warmest thanks of the whole human race. To her constant perseverance, and unshaken firmness, the abolition of the slave trade must be attributed. Millions breathe the free air of heaven, who but for her, would have pined in endless slavery. Liberty, the great prerogative of man, has been fostered and cherished by England on all occasions ; the very name of our country acts as a talisman on the hearts of thousands, who, ceaseless extol that nation by whom so much has been effected. Where is the liberty of the subject so much protected ? where are the natural rights of man held so sacred ? When we come to a statement of plain facts ; when we enter into a comparison of the numerous blessings this country enjoys, which are unknown to any other nation; when we calmly reflect on that innate superiority and conscious pride with which a man confesses himself an Englishman, a feeling which universally prevails, and which has tended, in no small degree, to raise our nation to that proud pinnacle of fame, on which, like the eagle, she now proudly soars, and when we contemplate the baffled intrigues of designing men, we plainly discover that the only sure method of stifling discontent, and quelling seditious murmurs, is, to render every individual of this unrivalled community, fully conscious of his own personal weight derived from the superiority of his country over all other nations
of the world, which superiority has been asserted and maintained in 80 exemplary a manner by the Tory administration ; supported and encouraged by our illustrious Monarch, even to the sacrifice of private affection.
Ignorance, credulity, and prejudice, are fast fading from the eyes of mankind, and daily becoming less obnoxious to our senses. Reason and common sense, have usurped the place of passion, in the warm and generous hearts of the majority of our fellow-subjects. The blessings of a mild, disinterested, and upright administration, are every where becoming apparent; and, despite the efforts of the revolutionary press, the cause of the disaffected is every day becoming more desperate. That turbulent spirit which so lately raged, has, in a great measure, subsided; the stream of patriotism and loyalty is reverting to its proper channel, and the vast majority of the population of these realms, feel their hearts beat with devotion to their King, their father, and their friend.
May he live longer than we can tell his years :
It may be useful, as well as curious, to collect some of the most striking and positive predictions of those deep politicians, who opposed the carrying on war against the Great Napoleon Buonaparte.
From the speeches in Parliament of Lords Grey and Holland, and some peers of lesser note, as well as from those of Messrs. Whitbread, Bennet, Tierney, &c. in the Lower House, some very positive prognostications may be obtained and selected.
We propose giving a selection of those choice morsels, according to which, long before this day, Britain was to have been ruined; her armies driven disgracefully from Spain, and her manufactures excluded from the whole of the European Continent.
Napoleon the Great, with his transcendent abilities, was to have ruled, irresistibly, over all nations, except this; but then, we were to have been bankrupts, shut up without hope or resource within our own islands, and with the loss of both the Indies. The French were to have seized our possessions in the East, and their friends, the Americans, those in the western hemisphere.
All those terrible disasters were predicted, aud though quite