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across the country into the other road above Hanging Rock Creek, and gave us three days to prepare to meet him, in a country likewise very favorable for us.

"Since that action the sickness of the troops, added to want of provisions and almost every kind of stores has detained us inactive. We are now in march towards Hillsborough, where Gates has collected a small body of militia. At present there is no prospect of serious opposition, but I cannot believe that the Congress will not make an effort to stop the advance of our successes. We have reason to hope that we shall be joined by the greater part of the North Carolinians, who have certainly given strong proofs of faithful attachment to us. It is now ten weeks since we have

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heard from New York. . You must have been astonished at our warfare here after the representations which we perceive were made to you respecting the loyalty and peaceable state of His Majesty's Province of South Carolina."

The aide who gave the information Rawdon refers to was Chevalier Dubuysson, holding the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and the same who is commonly represented as preventing his general from being put to death on the field at Camden. Whether De Kalb meant that Gates should attack Rawdon directly in front or cross at a more favorable point and fight him

as soon as possible, is not distinctly stated, but it is worth noticing that he did in effect propose what Tarleton, who was on the spot, was of opinion should be done, and what Rawdon himself impliedly admits to have been excellent advice. The point with De Kalb evidently was: Push the enemy and prevent the concentration of his forces. Friends of Gates will defend the course he took in marching around by way of Rugeley's Mills, by showing that the delay brought him a large reinforcement of Virginia Militia ; but did it not also work in equal if not greater proportion to the enemy's advantage?

It is not to be inferred from his advice at Lynch's Creek, that De Kalb was aggressive in this campaign. No one can read Colonel Horry's quaint reminiscences in his Life of Marion, without observing how anxiously he deprecated Gates' extraordinary haste and rashness in pushing down toward the enemy from North Carolina. Horry, who acted as aide to De Kalb up to the battle of Camden, states that on the weary march through the pine barrens, where "a forlorn hope of caterpillars" must have starved, the general "frequently foretold the ruin that would ensue." At Lynch's Creek he saw a possible advantage to be gained, and urged it; otherwise he constantly advised caution and better preparation, but Gates would take no counsel, unless in the last extremity, but his own.

A LAKE CHAMPLAIN GUNBOAT OF 1760.

J.

The specimen of naval architecture reproduced below from the original in the Library of Congress, at Washington, is unique. The craft appears in a picture of the British lines and encampment at Crown Point, Lake Champlain, in 1760, but the absence of any legend or reference leaves her description an open matter. From certain allusions to be found in Knox's Historical Journal of that war, it is probable that she was the largest of the two or three sailing vessels which the English hastily constructed on the lake and with which they "swept the seas" of the French. The Commodore of the little fleet was Captain Joshua Loring, of the Royal Navy, and this quite likely did the honors of "flag-ship" for him. If so, it was a hulk of his own make, built at Ticonderoga during the months of August and September, 1759, just after the capture of that fortress by General Amherst. From Ticonderoga the British moved up to seize and fortify Crown Point, while Loring remained behind to build a “brigantine,” which, with a sloop, was to constitute his movable naval force to operate against the French, who held the lower end of the lake with three sloops and cae schooner. By October 10th, says Knox, the brigantine was completed, car

rying the respectable armament of six six-pounders, twelve four-pounders, and twenty swivels, and manned by seventy seamen and sixty soldiers. She was doubtless formidable; that she was a novelty in construction it needs no nautical eye to distinguish. Curtailing her ample sails and one might take her for a modern iron-clad. The sloop which formed the other wing of Loring's squadron was commanded by Lieutenant James Grant, of Montgomery's Highlanders. On October 12th the French vessels were sighted, chased and driven ashore, and Loring and Grant returned with enduring laurels. Whatever craft the illustration may represent, it is certain that if rough hewn and odd in shape and rig, she still rode proudly victorious, the Queen of the Lake. It might be added that, in 1758, Loring, in company with Colonel Bagley, built the sloop Earl of Halifax, on Lake George. This vessel was one hundred tons burthen, and mounted fourteen guns.

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ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

SOME COLONIAL LETTERS.

Both within the bounds of Cumberland County.

A Number of the above mentioned

I. BRADDOCK'S Defeat and the InDIAN Familys yet remain at Forts and with

QUESTION.

[Communicated by J. Carson Brevoort.]

CARLISLE 25th Novemb'r 1757.

DEAR SIR.

In

consequence of the Proprietarys, and Mr Hamiltons requests, I send you the most exact accounts of the Kill'd and captivated, together with

the Deserted Farms or Plantations within this County since the Defeat of Genl Braddock, that is in my power to Collect. this much may be depended upon that

I'm rather below than above the true

number in every thing here mentioned. It is said that Mr Smith Merch't in Water Street Philadelphia has Kept a perfect Journel of the Kill'd and taken within the Sundry Colonys as related in the Publick News, but I'm persuaded the Papers

themselves fall short of the exact number Prisoners made

Of the Inhabitants
Provincial Troops of the

Second Battalion,

Killed

126

131

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167

their Friends within the County, tho they have left their respective habitations, but of such I suppose not above two hundred at most.

The Woods and herbage so much favouring the Secret and Sculking manner which the Indians generally make their attacks, throws the person or Family attacked so much under the power of Pannick and Surprize, that the Enemy gains great advantage and but seldom meets with propper resistance, the surpriz'd party gener ally fleeing, not Knowing but that the Enemy are numerous, when perhaps they were but few; by these means together with the seperate Residences of the Inhabitants instead of that of Villages, it happens that such great numbers have fled and Evacuated the Country; but a cause still higher, is the frowns of Heaven upon us which is not considered by many.

As to making head against the French and Indians, an Offensive War must be Carry'd into their Settlements; and when Fort Duquesne is reduced (which can be but a tryfle to the conduct afterward necessary) if sundry Tribes of Indians now Our Enemies, do not immediately lay down the Hatchet in regard of us, and, as need requires, take it up against the French, then Should Sufficient partys well conducted be detach'd to their Several Towns Cutting and Burning all before them, and following the Enemy from place to place, so far as the Seasons and other Circumstances may admit, and if possible the French should be prevented of bringing any more Supply's to the In

dians thro lake Erie, so that they must be oblidg'd to us for them, which might greatly tend to turn the Tables.

In case these measure have a good effect, a Strong English Settlement Should be made South West of Duquesne, Extending toward the Wabash. Such as the Scheme proposed by Mr Hazard or near that tenor as it will go best down with the Populace who shou'd be paid and oblidg'd to act as Soldiers for some time; but as its not probable the Colonys will contribute anything to this scheme (except they are forced) so the expense for a few years would fall heavy upon the Crown. If I remember right the Traders have said that about the year fifty one the Twichwees made an overture of a Large Space of Land to the English in case of going there to live and assisting them against the French from whome they then apprehended some danger; and were we masters of the Ohio and had drove off the French now there, the same proposal I think wou'd be made, or at least the Twitwees (whome it is said have the best claim) would sell a large space. I grant the Notion of Settling more New Lands when we can't Keep what we have may too justly appear Chimirical yet I'm of opinion we must either have a great deal more, or have none at all, and that in order to prevent the French who by a few years Possession wou'd Probably gain an entire influence over the Various Tribes of Indians, after which what Peace would they not break or what Barbarity would they not commit upon the Frontiers of this and the Neighbouring Governments; and if this scheme or something equivalent does not soon take place I think there will be no living in Pennsyl

vania, Maryland nor Virginia. All debaucherys and abuses among the Indians should be religiously avoided if ever we get footing among them again, and a Vallainous Trader or Interpreter that for low ends would make himself necessary, deceive the World and Corrupt even the Savage herds as they have often done heretofore should not be admitted, but perhaps Hang'd up without Ceremonyif God work by those kind of people any good among the Indians I'm greatly mistaken-pious Missionarys, shou'd by those whose Province it is to Propogate the Christian R'n be sent among the Indians as soon as they can be suppos'd to be admitted, and the sword of the spirit used in turn with that of the flesh-every thing is right in its own Season and no man can tell, when pious endeavours may have the desir'd effect.

In the Front of these hints I should have mentioned a Union of the Colony's, with good Militia Laws, Oblidging a propper Number at the instance of the Kings Commanding Officer to March as far and stay as long as ever his Majestys and their own Interest requir'd; the matter is now with us at Do, or Die. I beg the favour of you, if you shew any thing, to shew all I have wrote to the Gent" mentioned in Yours, for if I have wrote foolishly it is done with great Simplicity and I have long thought-please to present my thanks and Sincere Services to the Proprs and hearty good Wishes to Mr Hamilton, may God bless his Voiage for his own and the good of others

I am Sir your very Afectionate Humb' Servt

JOHN ARMSTrong
RICHARD PETERS, ESQ.

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