1 23. A Historical Discourse, delivered by request, before the Citizens of New Haven, April 25, 1838, the two hundredth Anniversary of the first settlement of the Town and Colony. By JAMES L. KINGSNew Haven: B. & W. Noyes. 1838. Svo. pp. 115. LEY. THIS is, in many respects, an exceedingly valuable historical document; and we shall probably take a future occasion to examine some of the points discussed in it more at large than we now have time and room to do. In the mean time we observe, that we are pleased with the general air of candor which marks the dis-the absence of that fulsome and indiscriminate eulogy which it is so much the fashion, in these commemorative discourses, to lavish upon the Puritan settlers of New England: Course "It has been no part of my object," says Professor Kingsley, "on this occasion, to hold up the settlers of New Haven and of New England as spotless characters, and the proper subjects of indiscriminate commendation. The great outlines of their proceedings I have endeavored to draw truly and distinctly, that you may yourselves judge of their deserts, rather than to forestall opinion by general and unqualified panegyric. The Puritans of New England laid the foundation of free communities, free, in a sense which the world had never known, or even imagined to be possible. Can any one deny this? or granting it, withhold the meed of applause? They devised and executed a plan of universal education, suited to their circumstances, and essential to the support of their social, civil, and religious institutions. Is there here any room for doubt? and if not, who can resist their claim to the gratitude of their posterity? They, from the first, both by precept and example, taught their descendants to be jealous of their rights, to guard their privileges with ever wakeful solicitude, and to maintain those principles in religion, government, and morals, which form the only sure foundation of public prosperity. On what page of their history do we find reason to question this? And if allowed, who will assert, that the memory of such men should be suffered to pass into oblivion? or be retained only with cold indifference? Admit that they were too exclusive in their religion, that they were believers in witchcraft, and that their laws were in some cases too severe and even sanguinary; it is still true, that they were in advance of their age; and, if their conduct is brought to the standard of their own time, that they must be acquitted." Mr. Kingsley draws, in clear and strong lines, the character of John Davenport and the other founders of the colony; and we are glad to see the spirit of candor which leads to one concession very often withheld by writers on this subject—namely, that the objects of the Puritans were not so exclusively religious as many claim them to have been. Doubtless, the free enjoyment of their religious opinions was one great and fundamental end they sought; but commercial and political objects had a very important influence with them, and particularly the latter. It is scarcely too much to say, that political objects were as much an inseparable part of their enterprise as religious. Nor do we think the less of them on this account. John Davenport and his compeers, were in some respects men of more comprehensive policy and profounder statesmanship than the founders of the other colonies; as, for instance, their studious avoidance of all reference to England, in the constitution of their colony. There were many things in their opinions and proceedings which we are apt to regard as ridiculous, without considering sufficiently the times, and especially without considering the principles upon which they proceeded. Thus, we laugh at the restriction of the right of suffrage to "church members," without considering the wise and profound insight they had into the necessity of a limited suffrage. Mr. Kingsley puts this in a clear light : "The limitation of the right of voting and of holding public offices to church members, was obviously a favorite measure with Mr. Eaton, Mr. Davenport, and other leading men of the colony; and what they designed from the first to make the foundation of their civil polity. The same regulation had before been adopted in Massachusetts; and it was, in fact, the same in principle as the English law, which has been repealed within a few years only, by which, receiving the sacra ment in the established church was a necessary qualification for holding any office under government. The planters were persuaded that a christian community ought to be governed on christian principles; and to secure this important object, they believed it necessary to confine all participation in public transactions to thosse, who had expressly recognized those principles, and professed to make them the rule of their lives. "Mr. Davenport, however, was far from adopting the opinion, that church members, as citizens, should be invested by law with exclusive privileges. On the contrary, he fully maintained, that none should be excluded from any civil right or liberty, that is due to them as inhabitants and planters,' and that all should have 'the benefit of justice under the government where they live.' To make distinctions here, he said, 'were, indeed, to have the commonwealth swallowed up of the church. He held, likewise, that there is a great difference between a commonwealth already settled, and a commonwealth yet to be settled, and wherein men are free to choose what form they shall judge best.' In the latter case, he would limit political rights to church members, if possible; but that a majority should control in settling the qualifications of voters, he readily admitted. Whoever affirmed the contrary, and defended the inherent right of the church to exercise the powers of government, was, according to John Davenport, a more fit subject for physic than for argument. "What the planters had in view, may be approved, without admitting the propriety of the means adopted for accomplishing their purpose. They wished to secure honesty and integrity in the public service; to bring the best men into office; those who would well understand the public good, and undeviatingly pursue it. That so desirable an end could be attained without some limitation of the right of suffrage, they did not believe. All restrictions on this right, whether of age, residence, property, or rank, are defensible only as they afford securities for an intelligent and honest exercise of so important a privilege. If such restrictions fail here, they are unjust and oppressive. The colonists, like other founders of states, aimed to ascertain the character of those who were to vote for public functionaries. They were aware, that such as are the electors, such ultimately will be those who are elected, to administer the government. Hence the solicitude so strongly manifested by the first colonists of New Haven in executing what they denominated their foundation work.' If this should be firm, they had little apprehension about the super structure. "The opinion of the planters as to the correspondence between the character of laws, and the character of those who make them, was obviously the same as that of the founder of Pennsylvania. 'Governments,' says William Penn, 'rather depend upon men, than men upon governments. Let men be good, and the government cannot be bad; if it be ill, they will cure it. But if men be bad, let the government be never so good, they will endeavor to warp and spoil it to their turn. I know some say, let us have good laws, and no matter for the men that execute them but let them consider, that though good laws do well, good men do better; for good laws they want good men, and be abolished or evaded by ill men; but good men never want good laws, nor suffer ill ones. It is true, good laws have some awe upon ill ministers, but that is where they have not power to escape or abolish them, and the people are generally wise and good; but a loose and depraved people love laws and an administration like themselves.' It was from a firm belief of truths like these, that the Puritans of Massachusetts and New Haven determined to confine the privilege of voting and of holding civil office to church members." 24. Settlement in the West.- Sketches of Rochester; with Incidental Notices of Western New York, etc. By HENRY O'REILLY. Rochester. 1833. THE city of Rochester is one of the prodigies of our country. Twenty-five years ago, the tract on which it is situated was a portion of the howling wilderness, containing, perhaps, two or three log cabins, and a few cleared acres, indicating that a handful of hardy pioneers had at length disturbed "the ancient solitary reign" of the brute occupants of the soil. In the year 1810, there was not a single human habitation where there is now a thriving population of 20,000 persons, and in the autumn of 1811, a spot which is now the centre of this flourishing inland city, was the scene of a contest between the only inhabitant, Mr. Enos Stone, and a bear; the former fighting pro aris et focis, and in defence of his six acre corn-patch, and the latter standing up, (upon his haunches,) in support of his claim to the premises and the emblements thereon growing, by virtue of prior possession. Bruin, it seems, was finally vanquished in this wager of battle, (a form of trial, by the way, termed by Sir William Blackstone "the last and most solemn decision of real property,") and Enos Stone thus established his title to the "six acre corn-patch." Mr. O'Reilly exhibits in his sketches abundant evidence that the growth of Rochester, thus nearly unexampled in its progress, has been at the same time of the most substantial and healthy character. The resources of the place are not only ample for the support of the present population, but adequate to sustain even further accessions, which it is constantly receiving from various quarters. There are scattered through the beautiful volume which contains these sketches, several matters of interest that may receive attention from us at another time. At present we can only express our obligations to the author for the valuable contribution he has made *The frontispiece to the volume gives an animated view of this curious rencontre. to the local history of our state, and recommend the results of his labors to the notice and patronage of all who feel an interest in the welfare and prosperity of the great and growing community in western New York. 25. Thoughts on some of the Objections to Christianity, and some of the Causes of Unbelief. An Address delivered at the Commencement in the General Theological Seminary of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, June 29, 1838. By the RIGHT REV. HENRY U. ONDERDONK, D. D. Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: J. Van Court. 1838. THIS address embodies some judicious and practical remarks on topics indicated in the title. "The nature of christianity furnishes an argument of its truth; the very nature of christianity is adapted to the secret nature of man. And thus, instead of regarding it as a human invention, sound and reverential feeling will confess, that it was projected for human necessities by the wisdom of God." This position is briefly established; and some of the causes of infidelity are well touched upon. They are, an unworthy estimate of religion-the pursuits and enticements of the world — and false philosophy. 26. Faith the Life of Science. An Address delivered before the Pi Beta Phi Society of Union College, July, 1838. By TAYLOR LEWIS. Albany: Hoffman & White. 8vo. pp. 38. DECIDEDLY Some of the best portions of our current literature are to be found in the occasional addresses before literary societies. The address before us is instinct on every page with the presence of a thinking and richly cultivated mind. We might have a question about an opinion here and there; we might wish to modify single passages; but the tone and spirit is admirable—the general course of thought sound and just-and the object of the performance elevated and important. The uselessness of mere fact-hunting-the comparative worthlessness of mere science-the impossibility of true science, of any thing like scientific unity and harmony in our knowledge, without GOD taken by faith as the primal and central truth-the prevalent absurd mistakes in regard to the nature and value of induction; these topics are treated in a very original and striking style, with illustrations and incidental remarks, displaying a wide reach of rare and rich reading. We are extremely sorry that our limited space obliges us to dismiss this valuable discourse, without going into some discussion of several interesting topics of remark which it suggests. We recommend the address to the perusal of our readers. 27. The Great Want in Schools. An Address delivered at the close of the Sessions of 1837-8, of the Woodward College. By the REV. B. P. AYDELOTT, D. D., President and Professor of Moral and Political Phrenology. Cincinnati: 1838. pp. 33. THIS is an eloquent and able address. The great want here set forth is a national “ EDUCATION, EMINENTLY CHRISTIAN IN ITS PRINCIPLES, PROCESS, AND AGENCIES." This is urged from a variety of considerations. The old compulsory system of discipline in schools can no longer be maintained. Good or bad, it will no longer be submitted to by pupils, nor tolerated by public opinion; and between that and a resort to all the influences of religion in sustaining discipline and forming youthful habits, there is no place to stop.-The political tendency of our country to unchecked democracy forces us to rely upon christian education as the only conservative influence. There has been, there is, a continual advance towards a pure democracy. All old constitutional limitations are breaking down. We must accept the inevitable fact, and look to religious education as the only thing that can save the people from ruining themselves. "We must have it speedily," says Dr. Aydelott, "or perish. There is not a moment to be lost." The rapid springing up of an influence hostile to established order and constitutional liberty, whose fruits are "lynch-law," and the frantic excesses of murderous mobs, should quicken us by their fearful admonitions — else we may come, like other nations, to such a taste of the blessings of Liberty without Law, that we may, like them, find a Cromwell or a Napoleon the better choice of evils. These, and several other important points, are put in clear and forcible light. Would God the minds of all the enlightened, the true lovers of their fellow-citizens, could be aroused to one united, persevering effort on this subject. Would God the people would turn from the miserable strifes of party, and from the wretched demagogues, who for selfish ends flatter in order to delude and mislead them, and hearken to their real friends; who, seeking no office, |