see) when these forces were guilty of frequent breaches of the cessation then concluded, and did at last openly reject it, he refused to join with the confederates, or even to countenance them by his authority, to make just reprisals upon them.

During this adjournment of the treaty, a small, but ill intended incident, had like to have frustrated all hopes of its success. One captain Farrer, in the government's service, had been taken prisoner by the confederates; while one Synott, a captain among the confederates, was in the same condition with the government. The lords justices and council desiring to have Farrer exchanged for Synott, directed the following notice to the supreme council of the confederates. "We, the lords justices and council, do declare, if captain Farrer be forthwith released by the rebels, and safely sent hither, that forthwith, upon his coming so released, we give order for the releasing Synott, lately employed as captain among the rebels, out of prison, the jailor's just dues being first paid; and will then permit him to depart freely, without interruption."

"The following spirited answer shews, how highly the confederates resented this (as they deemed it) new insult on their loyalty.

"We do not know to whom this certificate is directed; for we avow ourselves, in all our actions, to be his majesty's loyal subjects. Neither shall it be safe hereafter, for any messenger to bring any paper to us, containing other language than such as suits with our duty, and the affec

tions we bear to his majesty's service; wherein some may pretend, but none shall have more real desires, to further his majesty's interests, than his majesty's loyal and obedient subjects.

Mountgarret, Muskerry, &c.

Shortly after the sending of this answer, Sir William Parsons, Sir Adam Loftus, Sir Robert Meredith, and Sir John Temple, privy-counsellors, were charged before the council, by the lords Dillon and Wilmot, Sir Faithful Fortescue, and others, with having, by divers ways and means, abused the trust reposed in them by his majesty, to their several offices and employments; and with having traitorously endeavoured to withdraw his majesty's army in Ireland, from its obedience, to side with the rebels in England.

Upon this charge, they were all imprisoned in the castle of Dublin." But we find, "that they were so dear to those English rebels, and so highly valued by them, that they avowed them for theirs, by offering in exchange for them, three of the king's chief commanders, whom they had prisoners in London."*

What an afflicting portrait did this long. aggrieved land and people exhibit to the eye of humanity, at that memorable period; so much resembling scenes we have witnessed in more respects than one. A sanguinary faction, called puritans, struggling for dominion on the ruins of church and state; and a fraternity acting a

*Currie. Hist, Rev.

second part in the tragedy; and, through the irresoluteness of Charles, holding the reigns of government. The majority of catholics persecuted by government, while exerting theirselves strenuously to assist the king in his distress. The descendants and relatives of the old Irish, dispossessed by James and Charles, struggling to recover their rightful inheritance, illegally and perfidiously ravished from them, revenging their wrongs on the planters, who supplanted them. These they dispossessed, and sent under escort to Dublin, to be shipped off to their own country. Crowds of these distressed people dwelt wretchedly in Dublin, suffering, not as protestants, but as planters; and it was for their relief, that a charitable contribution of cast cloths was recommended from the pulpit to the faithful in London. Strange and singular anecdote in history. People, inhabiting a country abounding

*

*This singular donation of cast cloths to the protestants of Ireland, furnishes abundant matter for reflection. What a degrading donation! To what a wretched state does domestic dissentions reduce parties! A people, inhabiting a country, producing plenty for food and raiment, treated as beggars, depending on an eleemosynary supply of old cloths. With what treachery their English protestant politicians acted towards those poor people! They had received large sums of money, levied by voluntary contribution for the relief of Irish protestants. This money they converted to the purpose of raising war against his majesty, and then recommended the defrauded paupers to be comforted with a bene. volence of cast cloths. Q. Was that the origin of Plunketstreet market for old cloths? Whatever was the religion of England, we see they dealt fraudulently and tyrannically with the Irish. As papists, the extermination of the Irish professing the same faith, and the seizure of their property,

with wool, reduced to the deplorable necessity of accepting a charitable donation of cast cloths! If the agitators in England and Scotland had permitted the Irish to live in peace, Irish protestants needed not their cast cloths. While other parties scuffle for political rights, the Scotch, like Tartars and Arabs, made war as plunderers, ravaging the land, and sending the prey to their native country.

If we turn our eyes from distraction in council, collision of hostile factions, the treachery of state officers, to their operations in the field, we shall find but little flattering, on that side of the picture, to ease our chagrin at the sight of the other. When the insurgents are described as undisciplined, ill clothed, destitute of tents, arms, ammunition, and other implements of war, we may rely on the account, as probably not exaggerated. If companions in misfortune be

by any means, however inhuman, was a fundamental principle of their policy. The treacherous invitation to murderous banquets, assassination by poison or dagger, with impunity, by English law. It was a gross insult to their distressed fellow-protestants, offered by the English parliament, to withhold the liberal contribution of benevolence; and commute it for a fresh appeal to the feelings of British humanity, towards obtaining a cargo of Plunket-street ware; but we see it fell far short of the cruelty and treachery, exercised by English catholics, towards their Irish brethren in the faith. But could reason, mutual advantage, their common interest and stake in a common country, could christianity, prevail on the catholics and protestants of Ireland to live in concord and amity, as partners in the same firm, they need neither dread being plundered or slaughtered by aliens, or stand in need of the insulting gift of worn garments.

any alleviation of pain, the army fighting against them was not in a much better condition; as the petitions of the officers, and various applications to king and parliament, for a needful supply, would evince. Petty hostilities, skirmishing and plunder, had a wide range over the country, but for a length of time nothing occurred, interesting to the reader curious in military history, except the shocking inhumanity, and savage barbarity, of the regicide faction.

In this scene of desolation and distress, the northern insurgents more especially were desponding of the cause they engaged in, when a great character appeared on the theatre of warfare, sprung from a family fertile in heroes, a family the first, most illustrious, long the pride, ornament and central pillar of Ireland. Owen O'Nial, whose arrival had been so long and so anxiously expected, after a tedious voyage from Dunkirk, was landed in the county of Donnegal, with one hundred officers, and a considerable supply of arms and ammunition. Their hopes instantly revived; a body of forces was appointed to attend their favourite general, and conducted him triumphantly to the fort of Charlemont.

"Owen O'Nial had served in the Imperial and Spanish armies with reputation. He was governour of Arras, when the French besieged this town in 1640; and, though obliged to surrender upon honourable terms, yet his defence gained him the respect even of his enemy. Experience had formed him to an able and skilful