the beginning of October, 1641, to determine what should be done with their enemies. After many debates it was unanimously resolved carefully to avoid the spilling of cold blood, and to send all their captives, wherever taken, to Dublin, from thence to be shipped off for England, never to return on pain of death. This is recorded by Peter Walsh, a living witness,* and too much the creature of the marquis of Ormond to be suspected of partiality to this party. Templet mentions this meeting, but pretends ignorance of its intent. Dr. Jones, who was their prisoner about this period, in his examination, declares the object of it, as I have related; and the same is admitted by Dr. Warner,‡ who further observes, that though the intentions of the insurgents on this head were not even publicly known; yet from the prisoners being from every quarter sent under escorts to Dublin, it must be admitted. At a provincial synod of the clergy of Ulster, summoned immediately after the breaking out of this war, as well as at a national council assembled at Kilkenny in the year 1642, excommunication was publicly denounced against all catholics, who should from private revenge, hatred, or desire of plunder, enter into this war, but particularly against all robbers or murderers. To the proclamation of the Irish chiefs from Newry, of the fourth of November, 1641, they annex a mandate of the king's, authorizing them to make war on * Irish remonstrance. + History of the Irish rebellion. History of the Civil Wars of Ireland. his English and Irish enemies; and though this commission from the king was afterwards known to be forged, yet was it the grand cement of the Irish league. Many years after, Mac Carthy, lord of Muskerry, publicly acknowledged to lord Orrery," that were it not for this contrivance, they would never have been able to keep their people together. "From these incontrovertible facts, it is demonstrable, 1st. That the Irish never harboured the base and cowardly thought of destroying their enemies in cold blood; 2nd, That the public acts of their clergy, expressed their detestation of such foul practices; and 3d, That the people were drawn into this war from a full persuasion that they had royal authority to justify their proceedings. That much blood was spilt on this unhappy occasion, it is but too true; but what I contend for is, that it was not the act nor by the consent of the Irish league. Whilst Sir Phelim O'Neal, colonel Mac Guire, and their men, committed many cruel outrages in the counties of Down, and Antrim, O'Reily publicly protected the protestants in the county of Cavan, as did the O'Ferrals, in the county of Longford. In July 1642, when Owen Roe O'Neal superseded Sir Phelim in the command of the Ulster army, his first act was causing the houses of the murderers to be burnt and their persons sought for. He publicly censured the cruelty of Sir Phelim, and declared that rather than not punish these wretches, he would join the very English themselves! Even many of the outrages com mitted by his people, Sir Phelim, at his execution, publicly disclaimed; declaring them to be done contrary to his orders. It would be hard to doubt his sincerity at this time of trial, especially when he more than once rejected the offer of life and fortune at the very tree, rather than accuse his sovereign of being the author of this war. All the chief Irish commanders constantly and publicly disclaimed all orders for outrage or murder, and frequently punished their men when convicted of such crimes. The Irish chiefs in 1642, and again in 1643, when these affairs were fresh in the minds of the public,* addressed the king to call a parliament to have a severe enquiry made into all murders and massacres committed on both sides, to that day. The same application was made to Charles II. and why their enemies declined the challenge let every reader conjecture. "The reader will see, that I have not denied, but that cruel murders were committed in the counties of Down and Antrim, in the infancy of this war. Dr. Warner says,t "It is plain that some murders, though probably not very many, considering the nature of the insurrection, and the end intended, were committed in the first week." Let the names of the perpetrators of such villainies be transmitted to posterity with the infamy they deserve, but let not the reputation of an entire kingdom suffer through the baseness of two or three great and bad men; of a people *Borlase's Hist. of the Irish Reb. and Appen. perhaps the least formed for such abominable crimes, in the world! It has been also asserted, that the league in question was against the English name and nation. Yet we see in the very first Irish proclamation, English catholics as well as Irish, invited to join in this cause. In the then votes of the English commons, we read of English catholics of quality being confined for saying there was no safety for their persons but in Ireland. We know many resorted to them, as lord Castle-haven, colonel Touchet, and others, who were promoted to great commands in the Irish army; and that the warmest friendship and confidence subsisted between them. Envoys from the principal courts of Europe, as well as the earl of Glamorgan, on behalf of king Charles, and cardinal Rinuccini from the pope, attended on the supreme council of Kilkenny, which surely proves they were far from being the barbarians they were afterwards represented. If they had committed the crimes charged on them, how were they so wonderfully concealed from these envoys and ambassadors, nay from all the world at that time, Borlase, Temple, Clarendon, and their emissaries excepted?* Base and cruel "Could we suppose Louis XIV. would be guarantee of the peace of 1618, on behalf of the Irish, if he looked upon them as the murderers their enemies have represented them? Would he, after the restoration, by his ambassador Ruvigny, require an adherence to this peace; and afterwards with his own hand write to Charles II. on this head, if he thought them a culpable people? In this letter he affirms That the only subjects who held out longest and suffered most in the cause of royalty, were this brave and generous people." acts are the characteristics of a cowardly disposition: No one will accuse the Irish of cowardice."* Many instances might be produced of the great beneficence and humanity of the ecclesiastics, to the distressed English and protestants, at that period. "At the taking of Cashell, Dr. Samuel Pullen, chancellor of that city, and dean of Clonfert, with his wife and children, was preserved by father James Saul, a jesuit. Several other Romish priests distinguished themselves on that occasion, by their endeavours to save the English; particularly father Joseph Everard, and Redmond English, both Franciscan friars; who hid some of them in their chapel, and even under their altar. And soon after, those who had been thus preserved were, according to their desire, safely conveyed into the county of Cork, by a guard of the Irish inhabitants of Cashel, who acted with so much good faith, that several of the convoy were wounded in defending them from the violence of the rabble upon the mountains in their passage."t "Doctor Bedel, bishop of Kilmore, when a prisoner with the insurgents, who doubtless had many priests among them, "was never interrupted in the exercise of his worship, although not only his house and all the out-buildings, but also the church and church-yard, were full of people that flocked to him for protection. So that from the twenty-third of October to the eighteenth of * O'Halloran's Introduc. Hist. Irel. |