puritan governors of Ireland, and the threat of extermination held out against all catholics by the puritan faction in England and Scotland, now domineering in the neighbouring island; the precipitate confiscation of two millions and an half of acres, without legal trial; the barbarous massacres of their tenantry of every age and sex; the devastation of their property, burning of houses, corn, hay, prey of cattle, &c. were driven, by despair of their lives and fortunes, however reluctantly, to take up arms, and unite with the old Irish, as the only means of safety. Their situation indeed must be desperate, when compelled to resort to so difficult and precarious a support, as a cordial union of Irishmen. Irishmen, whom neither a common country, common interest, a common religion, the glory of their ancestors, their own disgrace, degradation, oppression and misery, the glory and advantages of union, the disgrace and ruin of disunion, could ever cement into one compact social body, for mutual preservation and common interest! It was peculiarly arduous, at this time, to combine the counsels and efforts of two races, exasperated and embittered by a thousand remembrances and prejudices, growing out of a continued exterminating war of many centuries against each other, waged with unrelenting cruelty and barbarity. Had they not been persecuted to desperation by the puritan government, they would willingly fulfil the offers they had made, and join the protestants against the insurgent natives. Their leaders consisted of those very men, who in part

concurred in the confiscation of Ulster, about thirty-three years before, or their immediate descendents; when they foolishly and wickedly congratulated theirselves on the forfeitures of the antient families of the north, saying, "Their downfall will strengthen us!" Alas, human frailty! now was the time for sorrowful reflection on past follies. In their day they were what the protestant was in ours; they were, and considered themselves to be, the garrison of England, to keep Ireland in subjection. They employed cruelty and treachery, in the service of a cruel and treacherous master, to share the spoils of the unfortunate natives. What they could not effect in battle, they endeavoured to accomplish by fraud, by sowing division, bribery and circumvention. They did not shudder to hand the poisoned bowl, or strike a dagger to the heart of a guest, invited for that base, perfidious purpose. By law, they gave impunity to the murderer of an Irishman; and they went so far, as to put a price on his head. Alliance, fostership, gossipred, all amicable intercourse, was prohibited with that proscribed race; extermination and confiscation were pronounced the only best means of civilizing them. These were the deeds of Catholics of English blood; shocking, inhuman deeds, that much diminish the compassion one would feel for their distress, during the civil wars of Charles. When they voted the attainder of the nobility of Ulster, and the confiscation of their property, they little dreamed, that a similar reverse would so soon overtake themselves. They

forgot, that there was a jealous God, visiting the sins of the fathers on the children. To their famous remonstrance,* let their acts of attainder against O'Neil, and the other ancient families of the north,f be contrasted. 'Tis fit it should. What is history, but a record of the past, to teach us by the examples of nations and ages. Here we are presented with a weighty admonition against disunion; whether on pretence of different descent, or religion. One party cordially joined in the destruction of another. They foolishly said, their downfall will strengthen. In the third part of a century, they had a bitter experience of the folly, as well as wickedness of their former policy. The ill they measured out to others, was now as abundantly measured back unto them. If they slew by the sword; they also fell by the sword. If they plundered the old natives, they were in their turn plundered by a fresh swarm of invaders. Let our moder parties reflect on this, and beware, that injustice is sooner or later requited. In spite of the forementioned obstacles, the Irish made the attempt.

At Kilkenny they formed two different meetings on this occasion, viz, their general assembly and supreme council; of the first, were all the lords, prelates and gentry of their party; the latter consisted of a few select members, chosen by the general assembly, out of the different provinces, with the most rigorous exactness: those so chosen, having taken the oath of counsellors, were, after the recess of the assembly, accepted and obeyed as * See p. 82. + See vol. i. p. 393.

the supreme magistrates of the confederate catholics.

"The supreme council consisted of about 24 members, some of every state, nobility, clergy and commons, who, during the intervals of the assemblies, had a kind of limited government, and power to call an assembly on occasion." "They framed to themselves a seal, bearing the mark of a long cross; on the right side a crown, on the left a harp with a dove above, and a flaming harp below the cross, and round about this inscription, 'pro Deo, pro rege, et patria Hibernia, unanimes,' with which they sealed their credentials."

"Their oath of confederacy on this occasion, is thus recited by Borlase: "I, A. B. in the presence of Almighty God, and all the saints and angels in heaven, promise, vow, swear, and protest to maintain and defend, as far as I may, with my life, power and estate, the public and free exercise of the true Roman catholic religion, against all persons that shall oppose the same. I further swear, that I will bear faith and allegiance to our sovereign lord king Charles, his heirs and successors; and that I will defend him and them, as far as I may, with my life, power and estate, against all such persons as shall attempt any thing against their royal persons, honors, estates and dignities; and against all such as shall directly or indirectly endeavour to suppress their royal prerogatives, or do any act or acts contrary to the regal government; as also the power and privileges of parliament, the lawful rights and privileges of the subjects; and

every person that makes this vow, oath and protestation, in whatsoever he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the same. And to my power, as far as I may, I will oppose, and by all ways and means endeavour to bring to condign punishment, even to the loss of life, liberty and estate, all such as shall either by force, practice, counsels, plots, conspiracies, or otherwise, do or attempt any thing to the contrary of any article, clause, or any thing in this present vow, oath, or protestation contained. So help me God."

"The first result of this union was, an humble and dutiful address to his majesty, setting forth,

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that, having apprehended, with fulness of sorrow, the condition to which the misrepresentation of his majesty's ministers in Ireland, united with the malignant party in England, had reduced them; and sad experience having taught them, that a resolution was taken to supplant their nation and religion; they humbly conceived it necessary, after long patience, to put themselves in a posture of natural defence; with intention, nevertheless, never to disturb his majesty's government, to invade any of his high prerogatives, or oppress any of his British subjects, of what religion soever, that did not labour to oppress them. Which intention in the beginning of the troubles, they had solemnly sworn to observe; an oath, often since reiterated, lest the misguided and unauthorized motions of some among them should be construed to derogate from that faith and allegiance, which, in all humbleness, they confessed they owed and sincerely