him, and upon which alone he ought to have dwelt in its political and constitutional bearings, but also Popery as a science, Popery as a religion, in its theory and practice, in its mummeries, its candle-lighting, its genuflexions-in fact, Popery altogether. The noble lord had an applauding audience: the shutter was there and the chalk in his hand: in large bold characters he wrote "No POPERY," with a very small here; and then, having rapped at the brazen knocker and rung a peal at the area bell of John Bull, he tries to walk away whistling, having done his duty like a boy, and forthwith invests all his pocket-money in gilt crucifixes, lollipops, blessed by the Pope, Puseyite cross-buns, and Roman Catholic knicknackeries.*

To revert to the serious "speciosity," as Carlyle would phrase it, we know not whether he calculated upon a reaction, or anticipated an Anti-Roman mania, such as no placeman might resist. We will not inquire into the sentiments of the moment. But as Ministers, of whatever change their sentiments are capable in accordance with the difficulties of keeping place, are not allowed to retract from such a declaration as that made by Lord John Russell the other day-which he has been trying to explain away to Ireland, and the English Roman Catholics, ever since-let us just inquire what is the present conduct of the Ministry. Where are those severe measures—where is that loud-patterned policy which we were led to expect? What is being

*

Long after this fanciful description of the noble lordling, the same idea was made prominently conspicuous by Punch,—a mere unacknowledged trifle from the literary hedgerow, which it gratified the author to observe. Such license is cheerfully accorded to the jester; but other papers have copied even original articles, without mentioning the source whence they were derived. This the author thinks hardly fair.

done? For, amidst all the row, it cannot be denied that Popery is quietly taking root in the soil which would reject it, and is eating its way like a poisonous lichen, through the brick-and-mortar crevices of our edifices. Nay, more than that the very corner pillar of our constitution is being undermined; and, although we are constantly told that this has no reference to its safety, we must profess ourselves to be sceptical on the point. The leaning tower of Pisa is, no doubt, an architectural curiosity; but we do not see the necessity of introducing such an angle into the elevation of our State building here. We do not like crooked policy or leaning pillars. Moreover, the tower of Pisa was meant, we believe, from the first, to exhibit this eccentricity; but it is only now that it is attempted to force our architecture from its natural straight rectilinear attitude; and however pretty the experiment may be, particularly when covered with the ivy of deception and affording a refuge to the owl, bat, and serpent, and all the greedy birds of gloom, red-legged and black-feathered, that are described in the pages of an ecclesiastical Buffon, still we do not admire or wish it here. We may think it sometimes necessary ourselves to explore, spade in hand, the foundations of our own structures; but we object to all the changes and alterations, open or disguised, visible or unseen, trifling or important, at the base, shaft, frieze, or cornice, introduced by foreign workmen. Above all, now, when we see strange vermin about, busy in undermining and eating away our foundations-assisted as they are by our own native rats, moles, and old-fashioned hedgehogswe are tempted to proclaim a great field-day to exterminate and drive out all these insidious enemies, more dangerous than a hostile armament.

Amongst all this, what confidence have we that the

present Ministry mean to act? None! What has Lord John Russell said? Much: in a certain unlucky speech, which he is since, in vain, labouring to unsay. He was betrayed out of the soothing system for a moment; but cannot swallow his own words, although his stomach is strong enough for anything, because the nation opposes itself to such act of deglutition. During the whole of his career, he has been truckling to the Romanist Irish party for the sake of their support, and he must now break with them or betray his country. For Queen, religion, constitution—all are included in this single question. This is one consequence of the purifying process of oppositions, to make a minister yield all he should hold sacred for the support of the alien few that turn the scale of a majority. Now, a question has presented itself, which will test unrealities to the foundation. Shall Roman Catholics reign in England, that Ministers to suit their own expediency may retain Irish votes? That is the question for Lord John Russell to consider, and by its issue alone must he fall or stand. We do not think temporizing will avail in this matter. That which applies to Lord John Russell applies to the whole Ministry of which he is the head. What have been their late acts? In the very face of the Papal movement, to name Papists as our ambassadors in the most delicate situations, where the honour and safety of our country are concerned. The appointment of Mr. Sheil of florin notoriety to Florence is one which especially excites our indignant surprise. We understand that of Lord Beaumont to Malta is to follow. But we wonder at nothing, and shall only be surprised, if circumstances allow these men to retain office.

The Duke of Wellington, when he assisted in Catholic

Emancipation, gave the country a solemn pledge, which he still lives to redeem. The following were his words:

"I will say, however, that if I am disappointed in my hopes of tranquillity, after a trial has been given of the measure, I shall have no scruple in coming down to Parliament and laying before it the state of the case, and calling for the necessary power to enable Government to take the steps suited to the occasion. I shall do this in the same confidence that Parliament will support me, that I do in the present case."

Let us see whether that consistency which has ever attended him will desert him now.

Places and offices in this country are choked up with Irish Roman Catholics. As a specimen, let the Post Office tell its story of Lord Clanricarde's administration, where neither youth, ignorance, nor any degree of unfitness have been impediments to patronage.

In the Jubilee of Wiseman, there is one passage to which we must call attention. It is where he talks of the "restitution of property." His meaning is-the property of the Established Church, which he would obtain for himself and his followers. Both treason and violence have already stained our land. It is true that a pretence of confounding temporal with spiritual loyalty has been the lying retraction placed in the mouth of Jesuitical cunning. Petty injuries. have been inflicted under the command of foreign authority; whilst those old-fashioned family Roman Catholics, who have remained so because the religion is hereditary and gentlemanly, are placed, at any rate, in a dilemma between their temporal and spiritual head. Something decisive must be done, and that quickly, or we do not hesitate to predict that the nation will, indeed, have cause to remember the words-"Never yet did Cardinal bring good to England!" DECEMBER 4TH, 1850.

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC "GIRLS' OWN BOOK;"

OR DAILY MANUAL OF ABOMINATION.

WE have experienced a painful gratification, if we may use such an expression, at the publication in some of our journals of certain abominable passages from the Roman Catholic "Girls' Own Book." While the feeling engendered in the public mind cannot but be one of horror and disgust at such fearful and unholy devices of the cowled and shaven Belial, who steals into the homes and dwellings of domestic purity and happiness, to trace these characters on their walls with a finger dipped in filth; still we regret the necessity of making such obscenity more known and public, and bringing forth these pollutions of the cloister and confessional, even as a reprehension and a warning. It is a pity that there should exist the necessity of applying such an actual cautery to the opinion of Protestant England in the nineteenth century. Good Heavens!-Are we, at the present day, to fight these monks with their own weapons? Are we to argue and defend, to abuse and suffer? We tell the people of England that this is a struggle to which it should not for an instant condescend. We say that the Protestant cause has everything to lose here, and the Roman Catholic everything to gain. We call upon our Parliament and Ministers to cease coquetting with this deadly and insidious foe, which is making, during every instant of our petty and temporizing resistance, strides of fearful meaning into the bowels of the land. The Papists are fighting in armour: we in our simple jerkins. Their dagger is poisoned: our rapier wears a button. They give no quarter: we neither refuse mercy nor take