The first great trial of strength between Rome and Asiatic civilisation was about to be staged, and the theatre of war was alarmingly distant, connected with the homeland by long and insecure lines of communication. The spur of emergency quickens the memory, and Rome in her fresh hour of trial remembered the man who had saved her in the last, and who had been standing by for several years ready for the occasion which he had prophesied to deaf ears. Yet Scipio Africanus did not himself stand for the consulship -why, it is difficult to guess. It may have been that he deemed the forces of jealousy too strong, and wanted to take no risks, or that affection and sympathy for his brother Lucius, a defeated candidate the year before, inspired Africanus to give the latter his chance. Africanus had glory enough, and all through his career he had been ready to share his glory with his assistants. He left envy of others' fame to lesser men. His aim was service, and in any case he knew that if Lucius was consul, he himself would exercise the real power-Lucius was welcome to the nominal triumph.

Lucius was duly elected, and was voted the command in Greece when Africanus gave the Senate the assurance that he would accompany Lucius as his lieutenant.

The expedition set forth in March (the Roman July) 190

B.C., but the advance into Asia was to be delayed because of the Senate's obstinacy in refusing to grant reasonable peace terms to the Etolians, so driving them to take up arms anew and maintain a stubborn warfare in their mountain strongholds. It is curious that Scipio, who had always contributed to his military object by the moderation of his political demands, should now be blocked by others' immoderation.

Once more Scipio's diplomatic gifts smoothed his military path. His influence secured an armistice from the Etolians, and the generous aid of Philip of Macedon for the Romans' march along the Egean shore to the Hellespont. Here they crossed the Narrows to modern Chanak, unopposed by Antiochus, due partly to the defeat of his fleet and partly to his failure to gain the alliance of Prusias, King of Bithynia— a country whose sea coast lay partly on the Black Sea and partly on the Sea of Marmora. Antiochus sent to play on his fears of being swallowed by Rome, but once again Scipio's grand strategical vision had led him to foresee this move and take steps to checkmate it. Months before he reached Gallipoli Scipio had written a letter to Prusias to dispel any such fears. "The petty chieftains in Spain," he wrote, "who had become allies, he had left kings. Masinissa he had not only re-established in his father's kingdom, but had

put him in possession of that of Syphax "-a clever hint!

Scipio's strategy and diplomacy made possible the subsequent rout of Antiochus at Magnesia, but the tactical fruit was left for Lucius to reap, as almost on the eve of the battle sickness laid Publius low. Fittingly, however, it was left to him to decide upon and deliver the peace terms. "Scipio began by saying that victory never made the Romans more severe than before." The conditions were the same as had been offered before Magnesia, when the issue was still open; not a whit augmented because of Antiochus' present helpless

ness.

Antiochus was to retire to the other side of the Taurus range; to pay 15,000 Euboic talents towards the expenses of the war, part at once and the rest in twelve annual instalments, and to hand over twenty selected hostages as pledge of his good faith.

The notable feature of these terms, as of those in Africa and Greece, was that the Romans sought security and prosperity merely. So long as Scipio guided Rome's policy, annexation, with all its dangers and troubles, is eschewed. His object is simply to ensure the peaceful predominance of Roman interests and influence, and to secure them against external dangers. It was true grand strategy which, instead of attempting any annexation of Antiochus' normal domains, simply compelled him to retire behind an ideal strategic bound

ary-the Taurus mountainsand built up a series of sovereign buffer states as a second line of defence between the Taurus range and the Ægean Sea. These were definitely the allies of Rome and not her subjects, and Asia Minor was organised for security by strengthening and rewarding the allies who had been faithful throughout the war. How might the course of history have been changed had not Scipio's successors reversed his policy and entered upon the fateful path of annexation ? When the barbarian invasions came, they found the Mediterranean world composed of States so thoroughly Romanised that they had long since forgotten the feel of their fetters, yet from this one fact so atrophied as to be a drain and a weakness to Rome. Instead of the ring of virile outposts planned by Scipio, a ring of political eunuchs.

The moderation and farsighted policy of Scipio, which had undermined his influence in the years succeeding Zama, was now to cause his political ruin. The sequence of events is somewhat hazy, but their outline is clear. The narrowminded party, led by Cato, who could not be content with the disarming of the enemy but demanded their destruction, were so chagrined at this fresh peace of mercy and wisdom that they vented their anger on its author. Unable to revoke the peace, they schemed to compass the down

on the suggestion of bribery as the most plausible charge. Perhaps, quite honestly, men like Cato could conceive no other cause for generosity to a vanquished foe. However, they seem to have been clever enough not to assail the stronger brother first, but rather, aiming at weakness instead of strength, to strike at Africanus indirectly through his brother.

The first move seems to have been the prosecution of Lucius for misappropriation of the indemnity paid by Antiochus. Africanus was so indignant at the charge that when his brother was in the act of producing his account books, he took them from him, tore them in pieces, and threw them on the floor of the Senate house. This action was unwise, but very human. Let any one put himself in the place of a man who by unparalleled services had rescued Rome from a deadly menace on her very hearth and raised her to be the unchallenged and unchallengeable mistress of the world, and then, as he said indignantly, to be called on to account for four million sesterces when through him the Treasury had been enriched by two hundred million. We must remember, too, that Scipio was a man suffering from an illness soon to cause his death, and sick men are inclined to be irritable.

The defiant act, however, gave his enemies the opportunity they had longed for. Two tribunes, the Petilii, insti

cution against him for taking a bribe from Antiochus in return for the moderation of his peace terms.

When the day appointed for the hearing came, "never was either any other person, or Scipio himself—when consul or censor-escorted to the Forum by a larger multitude than he was on that day when he appeared to answer the charge against him.' The case opened, the plebeian tribunes sought to offset their lack of any definite evidence by raking up the old imputations about his luxurious Greek habits when in winter quarters in Sicily, and about the Locri episode. The voices were those of the Petilii, but the words were clearly Cato's.

A cloud of words has rarely covered a poorer case, their purpose, as Livy remarks, to

attack by envy, as much as they can, him out of the reach of dishonour." The pleading having lasted until dusk, the trial was adjourned until next day.

Next morning when the tribunes took their seat and the accused was summoned to reply, the answer was characteristic of the man. No proof was possible either way, and besides being too proud to enter into explanations, he knew they would be wasted on his enemies as on his friends. Therefore, with the last psychological counter-stroke of his career, he achieves a dramatic triumph.

"Tribunes of the people, and you, Romans, on the anniver

sary of this day I fought a pitched battle in Africa, against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, with good fortune and success. As therefore it is but decent that a stop be put for this day, to litigation and wrangling, I am going straightway to the Capitol, there to return my acknowledgments to Jupiter the supremely great and good, to Juno, Minerva, and the other deities presiding over the Capitol and citadel, and will give them thanks for having on this day, and at many other times, endowed me both with the will and ability to perform extraordinary services to the commonwealth. Such of you also, Romans, who choose, come with me and beseech the gods that you may have commanders like myself. Since from my seventeenth year until old age, you have always anticipated my years with honour, and I your honours with services."

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Thereupon he went up towards the Capitol and the whole assembly followed, at last even the clerks and messengers, so that his accusers were left in a deserted forum. "This day was almost more famous owing to the favour of the Romans towards him, and their high estimation of his real greatness, than that on which he rode through Rome in triumph over Syphax and the Carthaginians." It was, however, the last day that shone with lustre on Publius Scipio. For, as he could foresee nothing but the prosecu

At the adjourned trial the Petilii sought to have him fetched back to Rome, but their pleas met with general hostility, and the prosecution dropped.

was

"After that there was silence concerning Africanus. He passed the remainder of his life at Liternum, without a wish to revisit the city, and it is said that when he was dying he ordered his body to be buried there . . . that even his obsequies might not be performed in his ungrateful country."

That he died in voluntary exile at Liternum, probably in 183 B.C., seems assured, but his burial-place is less certain, and monuments of him existed both at Liternum and Rome. At the time of his death he was only fifty-two years of age. By a fitting coincidence, his great rival, Hannibal, also died about the same time, and probably in the same year, by taking poison.

Even after Scipio's death his enemies could not rest. Instigated by Cato, the demand

was pressed for an inquiry into the disposal of Antiochus' tribute. Lucius was now the direct target, though his brother's memory was still the indirect. Judgment was made against him, and it was decreed that the prætor should levy the sum due from Lucius's property. The prætor thereupon sent to take possession of it, and not only did no trace appear of money received from Antiochus, but the sum realised by the sale of his property did not even equal the amount of the fine " (Livy).