tions were proposed and entered into by the whole metropolis, consummating the measures already adopted by the provinces. The following resolution, among others, was unanimously agreed to :"That we will not, from the date hereof, until the grievances of this country shall be removed, directly or indirectly import or CONSUME ANY of the manufactures of Great Britain; nor will we deal with any merchant, or shopkeeper, who shall import such manufactures; and that we recommend an adoption of a similar agreement to all our countrymen who regard the commerce and constitution of this country." These resolutions were rigorously enforced, and the consumption of Irish manufactures accordingly steadily increased, while those imported from Britain proportionally fell off.

It remains for us, before concluding this chapter, to notice the important moral influence of this patriotic movement, on the Irish people. The most extraordinary change took place in their character. They became almost of a sudden, thoughtful, sober, respectful, and peaceable. Decorum in manners kept pace with the best charities of life; crime was discountenanced though there was no police, and law was reverenced though there was no government. Agrarian outrage completely ceased. The poor oppressed catholic now dreamt of deliverance, and was satisfied; the famished beggar looked up from his crust moistened with tears, and hoped! The long-looked for relief was about to come at last, and all waited on joyfully and peacefully. Never did Ireland know such tranquillity and content.

A visible improvement was also soon observable in the external appearance of the people. The slovenly air and squalid gait of the Irish farmer gave place to neatness and cleanliness of dress, the result of military example and discipline. The wide distinction between ranks being in a great measure removed, the Volunteer private sitting down with the Volunteer general at the same board-the tone of manners and conversation became elevated, the minds of all acquired both strength and polish by exercise, and the improvement soon extended itself throughout all classes and conditions of the people. The public morals improved; the public knowledge extended; and the public virtue never shone so brilliant and untarnished, as during the existence of the Volunteer Army, raised and maintained for the defence and regeneration of Ireland.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

The Irish Parliament of 1779-80-Favourable to popular rights -Causes of the change Henry Grattan-Henry Flood-Grattan and Flood compared-Walter Hussey Burgh-Barry Yelverton-Mr. Pery-Mr. Fitzgibbon, &c.-Meeting of Parliament-Mr. Grattan's amendment to the Address-Mr. Burgh's amendment in favour of "Free Trade" adopted and carried-Enthusiasm of the HouseRejoicings of the Volunteers-The Commons refuse new taxes, and long supplies -Mr. Burgh's brilliant speech-Demonstration of the Volunteers-Lord North's concessions-The Irish people press for ulterior measures--A free Parlia ment demanded-Public meetings held throughout Ireland- Startling resolutions Mr. Grattan moves for a Declaration of Rights-Is defeated--Mutiny Bill-Progress of the Volunteers-Earl of Charlemont chosen Commander-inChief- His Character.

THE Session of the Irish Parliament which commenced on the 12th of October, 1779, was probably the most memorable in the history of Ireland. It formed the commencement of that short bright period of national glory, during which the right of Ireland to a legislative independence of the English Parliament, was successfully asserted, and Ireland for a time recovered a place among civilized

nations.

Circumstances had long been preparing the way for the great movement which was now stirring among the Irish people, and had at length penetrated into the Irish legislature itself. The early labours of Molyneux, Swift, and Lucas; the struggles between the English ascendancy and the Irish "patriots," during which the people had been familiarized with discussion, and enlightened on many topics of public interest; the passing of the Octennial bill, which emancipated the House of Commons from the controul of the "undertakers," and introduced an entirely new class of men into the legislature; the rapid progress of domestic civilization; the stirring agitation of first principles then going forward over the continent of Europe; and finally, the rousing events connected with the progress of the American revolution;-all tended to stir up the Irish people to the assertion of their independence at this important juncture.

The Irish parliament also, for the first time since Ireland had been brought under English rule, began to sympathize with the nation, to imbibe its patriotism, and to lead it onward in its struggles for liberty. The moment was one of general awakenment; even the "undertakers" of the old parliament now became patriots, and some of the most strenuous assertors of the rights of the people were found among their ranks. What was still more remarkable the patriotic movement of this period originated exclusively among the Protestant party-a party that for two hundred years had been the invariable persecutors of the Irish nation!

The time was also prolific in great men,-possessed of eminent capacities and noble aspirations,--who at once sprang into the front

of the popular movement, and gave the tone to public opinion. Probably there never was a period when such a constellation of brilliant talent, genius, and patriotism burst forth, as during the memorable session of 1779, of the Irish Parliament. The names of Grattan, Flood, Burgh, Yelverton, Bushe, Pery, Daly, Forbes, and their compatriots, present a galaxy of illustrious ability, such as, perhaps, scarcely any other country besides Ireland can boast. The only corresponding period in the history of England, is that of the Commonwealth,-when Pym, Vane, Hampden, Hollis, Cromwell, and the rest, stood forward and put themselves at the head of the English nation in their struggles against despotic power. Nature would thus seem to produce her great men at given periods, with an extraordinary prodigality, as if for the specific purpose of carrying on the great work of national emancipation.

HENRY GRATTAN entered parliament in December, 1775, as representative of the borough of Charlemont; and soon distinguished himself by his devotion to the cause of Ireland. It would not be easy to point out a statesman of any age or country, whose reputation stands on a broader and firmer basis, than that of the illustrious Grattan. His patriotism was purity itself, from the moment that he entered public life until he quitted it for ever. Placed by the gratitude of his country in a position of independence, he continued through life, to devote his noble talents to its service, through good and through evil report-amid the praises of the good and the denunciations of the unprincipled and the factious. To speak of Mr. Grattan's intellectual powers, would be a work of supererogation. They were of the very highest order-varied, acute, brilliant, and profound. His eloquence was splendid, exhibiting a solid strength of reasoning, a brilliancy of illustration, a keenness of invective, and a felicity in epigram and point, which placed him in the very foremost rank of orators. Lord Brougham

has said that Dante himself never conjured up a striking, a pathetic, and an appropriate image in fewer words than Mr. Grattan employed to describe his relation towards Irish Independence, when alluding to its rise in 1782, and its fall twenty years later, he said, "I sat by its cradle-I followed its hearse."

HENRY FLOOD-on many occasions the rival of Mr. Grattanwas perhaps the greatest of all the distinguished men of his time. He was decidedly the greatest as a statesman and a senator. Farseeing and sagacious, he was at the same time resolute and uncompromising in the assertion of principles. To a profound knowledge of human nature, he joined extensive information, and great solidity of judgment. He was an indefatigable member of parliamentactive, ardent, industrious, and persevering. Though defeated, he returned to the attack again and again,-never allowing himself to be cast down by overwhelming majorities against him. In powers

Lord BROUGHAM's Speeches.

of retort, of insinuation, and of invective, he was never excelled. When excited by opposition, his spirit rose in proportion, and he bore down all before him-speaking in reply, always with masterly ability. He was invariably ready and prepared, and was never found off his guard. In logic he was unrivalled. His literary taste was also highly cultivated, and his mind amply stored with knowledge and information on all subjects.

Mr. Flood entered parliament during the administration of the Earl of Halifax, and immediately took the side of the popular party. The first occasion on which he spoke was in 1763, on the motion of Dr. Lucas, when he introduced the bill for shortening the duration of parliaments. Mr. Flood gave the measure throughout, his most animated and eloquent support, and its final success was greatly owing to his exertions. He also exposed the abuses of Lord Townshend's administration with great vehemence, both in Parliament and the press. At length, however, he became dissatisfied; his sanguine mind longed for some substantial improvement for his country; and, believing that nothing could de done for Ireland but through the government, in an unlucky hour he took office as Vice-Treasurer. Flood, however, found himself completely out of his element: and he again joined the opposition so soon as he saw the prospects opening up, of emancipation for Ireland. Subsequently to this period, the name of Henry Flood is associated with the brightest periods of Irish history.

Sir Jonah Barrington, who was intimately acquainted with both Flood and Grattan, and had opportunities of watching them during nearly the whole of their career, has drawn the following striking comparison of the two leaders:-" Mr. Flood had become most prominent amongst the Irish patriots. He was a man of profound abilities, high manners, and great experience in the affairs of Ireland. He had deep information, an extensive capacity, and a solid judgment. His experience made him sceptical-Mr. Grattan's honesty made him credulous. Mr. Grattan was a great patriotMr. Flood was a great statesman. The first was qualified to achieve the liberties of a country-the latter to disentangle a complicated constitution. Grattan was the more brilliant man-Flood the abler senator. Flood was the wiser politician-Grattan was the purer. The one used more logic-the other made more proselytes. Unrivalled, save by each other, they were equal in their fortitude; but Grattan was the more impetuous. Flood had qualities for a great prince-Grattan for a virtuous one; and a combination of both would have made a glorious monarch. They were great enough to be in contest; but they were not great enough to be in harmony; both were too proud; but neither had sufficient magnanimity to merge his jealousies in the cause of his country."*

SIR JONAH BARRINGTON'S Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation. New ed.

p. 325.

WALTER HUSSEY BURGH was another of the distinguished and eloquent men of this period. He entered parliament under the auspices of the Duke of Leinster, and immediately joined the opposition against the administration of Lord Townshend. He accepted the office of Prime Serjeant under the administration of Lord Buckinghamshire; but, like most of the other great men of the time, he abandoned office when he found that his doing so would promote the liberties of his country. The manner in which he threw himself into the popular ranks will be hereafter noticed. On that occasion it was beautifully remarked by Mr. Grattan, that "the gates of promotion were shut, as those of glory opened." Mr. Burgh was one of the most brilliant and effective speakers in the house. He was highly polished in his manner, and rather showy. Admirable in reply, skilful in fence, and highly graceful in style, his admirers styled him "the Cicero of the senate." He was a man of incorruptible principles, and an ardent lover of his country. Mr. Flood, on the occasion of his death, described him thus:- "A man dead to everything but his own honour and the grateful memory of his country-a man over whose life or grave envy never hovered-a man ardently wishing to serve his country himself, but not wishing to monopolize the public service-wishing to partake and communicate glory, my noble friend-I beg pardon: he did not live to be ennobled by patent; he was ennobled by nature."

BARRY YELVERTON, afterwards Lord Avonmore, was one of the most powerful speakers of his day;-not so profound and logical as Flood, nor so brilliant and antithetical as Grattan, nor so rhetorical as Burgh,-but combining much of the powers of all three, and as effective a debater as any of them. He had a quick apprehension, a nice tact, and withal a vigorous understanding, which served him ably in argument. Mr. Grattan compared his speeches to the Atlantic wave, three thousand miles in depth. In the early period of his career, he stood boldly forward on the side of the people,-delivering a bold and eloquent speech against sending out troops from Ireland to America, and another in support of the Catholic Bill, in which he vehemently denounced the penal laws. He afterwards, however, abandoned the popular cause, and was one of the sellers of Ireland at the Union.

EDMUND SEXTON PERY, Speaker of the House of Commons, and afterwards Lord Pery, entered parliament in 1751, and was engaged in most of the subsequent contests between the government and the "patriot" party. In the celebrated contest of 1753, he acted with the government, then led by Primate Stone. Mr. Pery, however, shortly afterwards entered the opposition, and became the leader of what was called "the Flying Squadron,' which sometimes joined the court, and sometimes the opposition, according to circumstances. As the prospects of Ireland opened up, Pery threw himself heartily into the cause of the people; and