The vulture, screaming for his food,
Conducts you to the field of blood,
And bids the sword of valour seek
For nurture to his gory beak!

Men of Austria, mark around,
Classic fields and holy ground;
For here were deeds of glory done,
And battles by our fathers won-
Fathers who bequeathed to you
Their country and their courage too;
Heirs of plunder and renown,
Hew the squadrons-hew them down.
Now ye triumph-Slaughter now
Tears the field with bloody plough;
And all the streamy shore resounds
With shouts and shrieks and sabre-wounds!
Now your thunders carry fate;

Now the field is desolate-
Save where Loudhon's eagles fly

On the wings of victory!
This is glory, this is life!
Champions of a noble strife,
Moving like a wall of rock
To stormy siege or battle-shock;
Thus we conquer might and main,
Fight and conquer o'er again :
Grenadiers, that, fierce and large,
Stamp like dragons to the charge;
Foot and horsemen, serf and lord,
Triumph now with one accord!
Years of triumph shall repay
Death and dangers' troubled day.
Soon the rapid shot is o'er,
But glory lasts for evermore-
Glory, whose immortal eye
Guides us to the victory!

62. THE DAY OF JUDGMENT.

ANONYMOUS.

Lo! the wide theatre, whose ample space Must entertain the whole of human race,

At Heaven's all-powerful edict is prepared,
And fenced around with an immortal guard.
Tribes, provinces, dominions, worlds, o'erflow
The mighty plain, and deluge all below:
And every age, and nation, pours along;
Nimrod and Bourbon mingle in the throng;
Adam salutes his youngest son: no sign
Of all those ages, which their births disjoin.

How empty learning, and how vain is art,
But as it mends the life, and guides the heart!
What volumes have been swell'd, what time been spent
To fix a hero's birth-day or descent!—

What joy must it now yield, what rapture raise,
To see the glorious race of ancient days!

To greet these worthies, who perhaps have stood
Illustrious on record before the flood!

Alas! a nearer care your soul demands,
Cæsar unnoted in your presence stands.

How vast the concourse! not to number more
The waves that break on the resounding shore:
The leaves that tremble in the shady grove,
The lamps that gild the spangled vaults above.
Those overwhelming armies, whose command
Said to one empire, fall; another, stand;

Whose rear lay wrapt in night, while breaking dawn
Roused the broad front, and call'd the battle on;
Great Xerxes' world in arms; proud Canna's field,
Where Carthage taught victorious Rome to yield;
Immortal Blenheim, famed Ramillia's host;
They all are here, and here they all are lost:
Their millions swell to be discern'd in vain,
Lost as a billow in the unbounded main.

This echoing voice now rends the yielding air: "For judgment, judgment, sons of men, prepare!" "O thou! whose balance does the mountains weigh, Whose will the wild tumultuous seas obey,

Whose breath can turn those watery worlds to flame, That flame to tempest, and that tempest tame; Earth's meanest son, all trembling, prostrate falls, And on the boundless of thy goodness calls.

May sea and land, and earth and heaven be join'd,
To bring the eternal Author to my mind!
When oceans roar, or awful thunders roll,

May thoughts of thy dread vengeance shake my soul !
When earth's in bloom, or planets proudly shine,
Adore, my heart, the Majesty divine!"

YOUNG.

63.-EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH OF EDMUND RANDOLPH ON THE EXPEDIENCY OF ADOPTING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, DELIVERED IN THE CONVENTION OF VIRGINIA, JUNE 6, 1788.

MR. CHAIRMAN,—I am a child of the revolution. My country, very early indeed, took me under her protection, at a time when I most wanted it, and by a succession of favours and honours, prevented even my most ardent wishes. I feel the highest gratitude and attachment to my country; her felicity is the most fervent prayer of my heart. Conscious of having exerted my faculties to the utmost in her behalf, if I have not succeeded in securing the esteem of my countrymen, I shall reap abundant consolation from the rectitude of my intentions: honours, when compared to the satisfaction accruing from a conscious independence and rectitude of conduct, are no equivalent. The unwearied study of my life shall be to promote her happiness. As a citizen, ambition and popularity are no objects with me. I expect in the course of a year to retire to that private station which I most sincerely and cordially prefer to all others.

The security of public justice, sir, is what I most fervently wish-as I consider that object to be the primary step to the attainment of public happiness. I can declare to the whole world, that in the part I take in this very important question, I am actuated by a regard for what I conceive to be our true interest. I can also, with equal sincerity, declare that I would join heart and hand in rejecting this system, did I conceive it would promote our happiness; but, having a strong conviction on my mind, at this time, that, by a disunion, we shall throw away all those blessings we have so earnestly fought for, and that a rejection of the constitution will operate disunion-pardon

me if I discharge the obligation I owe to my country by voting for its adoption.

We are told that the report of dangers is false. The cry of peace, sir, is false: say peace, when there is peace it is but a sudden calm. The tempest growls over you look around-wheresoever you look, you see danger. When there are so many witnesses, in many parts of America, that justice is suffocated, shall peace and happiness still be said to reign? Candour, sir, requires an undisguised representation of our situation. Candour, sir, demands a faithful exposition of facts, Many citizens have found justice strangled and trampled under foot, through the course of jurisprudence in this country. Are those, who have debts due them, satisfied with your government? Are not creditors wearied with the tedious procrastination of your legal process-a process obscured by legislative mists? Cast your eyes to your seaports-see how commerce languishes: this country, so blessed, by nature, with every advantage that can render commerce profitable, through defective legislation, is deprived of all the benefits and emoluments she might otherwise reap from it.

We hear many complaints on the subject of located lands -a variety of competitors claiming the same lands under legislative acts-public faith prostrated, and private confidence destroyed. I ask you if your laws are reverenced. In every well-regulated community, the laws command respect. Are yours entitled to reverence? We not only see violations of the constitution, but of national principles in repeated instances. How is the fact? The history of the violations of the constitution extends from the year 1776 to this present time-violations made by formal acts of the legislature: every thing has been drawn within the legislative vortex. There is one example of this violation in Virginia, of a most striking and shocking nature; an example so horrid, that if I conceived my country would passively permit a repetition of it, dear as it is to me, I would seek means of expatriating myself from it.

64.-SECOND EXTRACT FROM THE SAME.

MR. CHAIRMAN,-I am sorry to be obliged to detain the house; but the relation of a variety of matter renders it

now unavoidable. I informed the house yesterday, before rising, that I intended to show the necessity of having a national government, in preference to the confederation; also, to show the necessity of conceding the power of taxation, and of distinguishing between its objects; and I am the more happy, that I possess materials of information for that purpose. My intention then is, to satisfy the gentlemen of this committee, that a national government is absolutely indispensable, and that a confederacy is not eligible, in our present situation. The introductory step to this will be, to endeavour to convince the house of the necessity of the union, and that the present confederation is actually inadequate, and unamendable.

The extent of the country is objected to, by the gentleman over the way, as an insurmountable obstacle to the establishing a national government in the United States. It is a very strange and inconsistent doctrine, to admit the necessity of the union, and yet urge this last objection, which I think goes radically to the existence of the union itself. If the extent of the country be a conclusive argument against a national government, it is equally so against a union with the other states. Instead of entering largely into a discussion of the nature and effect of the different kinds of government, or into an inquiry into a particular extent of country, that may suit the genius of this or that government, I ask this question-Is this government necessary for the safety of Virginia? Is the union indispensable for our happiness?

I confess it is imprudent for any nation to form alliance with another, whose situation and construction of government are dissimilar with its own. It is impolitic and improper for men of opulence to join their interest with men of indigence and chance. But we are now inquiring, particularly, whether Virginia, as contradistinguished from the other states, can exist without the union-a hard question, perhaps, after what has been said. I will venture, however, to say, she cannot. I shall not rest contented with asserting-I shall endeavour to prove.

Look at the most powerful nations on earth. England and France have had recourse to this expedient. Those countries found it necessary to unite with their immediate neighbours, and this union has prevented the most lament