Lord God, take mercie upon this realme of England, and deliver the same from all her enemies.'

Then the smith took a chaine of iron, and brought the same about both Dr Ridleyes and maister Latimers middles; and as he was knocking in a staple, Dr Ridley tooke the chaine in his hand, and shaked the same, for it did girde in his belly, and looking aside to the smith, said: 'Good fellow, knocke it in hard, for the flesh will have his course.' Then his brother did bringe him gunnepowder in a bag, and would have tied the same about his necke. Master Ridley asked what it was. His brother said, 'Gunnepowder.' 'Then,' sayd he, I take it to be sent of God; therefore I will receive it as sent of him. And have you any,' sayd he, for my brother?' meaning master Latimer. 'Yea, sir, that I have,' quoth his brother. Then give it unto him,' sayd hee, 'betime; least ye come too late.' So his brother went, and caried of the same gunnepowder unto maister Latimer.

In the meanetime Dr Ridley spake unto my lord Williams, and saide: My lord, I must be a suter unto your lordshippe in the behalfe of divers poore men, and speciallie in the cause of my poor sister; I have made a supplication to the queenes majestie in their behalves. I beseech your lordship for Christs sake, to be a mean to her grace for them. My brother here hath the supplication, and will resort to your lordshippe to certifie you herof. There is nothing in all the world that troubleth my conscience, I praise God, this only excepted. Whiles I was in the see of London divers poore men tooke leases of me, and agreed with me for the same. Now I heare say the bishop that now occupieth the same roome will not allow my grants unto them made, but contrarie unto all lawe and conscience hath taken from them their livings, and will not suffer them to injoy the same. I beseech you, my lord, be a meane for them; you shall do a good deed, and God will reward you.'

Then they brought a faggotte, kindled with fire, and laid the same downe at Dr Ridleys feete. To whome master Latimer spake in this manner: 'Bee of good comfort, master Ridley, and play the man. Wee shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England, as I trust shall never bee putte out.'

And so the fire being given unto them, when Dr Ridley saw the fire flaming up towards him, he cried with a wonderful lowd voice: 'In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum: Domine recipe spiritum meum.' And after, repeated this latter part often in English, Lord, Lord, receive my spirit;' master Latimer crying as vehementlie on the other side, O Father of heaven, receive my soule!' who received the flame as it were imbracing of it. After that he had stroaked his face with his hands, and as it were bathed them a little in the fire, he soone died (as it appeared) with verie little paine or none. And thus much concerning the end of this olde and blessed servant of God, master Latimer, for whose laborious travailes, fruitfull life, and constant death the whole realme hath cause to give great thanks to almightie God.

But master Ridley, by reason of the evill making of the fire unto him, because the wooden faggots were laide about the gosse [gorse], and over-high built, the fire burned first beneath, being kept downe by the wood; which when he felt, hee desired them for Christes sake to let the fire come unto him. Which when his brother-in-law heard, but not well understood, intending to rid him out of his

paine (for the which cause hee gave attendance), as one in such sorrow not well advised what hee did, heaped faggots upon him, so that he cleane covered him, which made the fire more vehement beneath, that it burned cleane all his neather parts, before it once touched the upper; and that made him leape up and down under the faggots, and often desire them to let the fire come unto him, saying, 'I cannot burne.' Which indeed appeared well; for, after his legges were consumed by reason of his strugling through the paine (whereof hee had no release, but onelie his contentation in God), he showed that side toward us cleane, shirt and all untouched with flame. Yet in all this torment he forgate not to call unto God still, having in his mouth, Lord have mercy upon me,' intermedling this cry, 'Let the fire come unto me, I cannot burne.' In which paines he laboured till one of the standers by with his bill pulled off the faggots above, and where he saw the fire flame up, he wrested himself unto that side. And when the flame touched the gunpowder, he was seen stirre no more, but burned on the other side, falling downe at master Latimers feete. Which some said happened by reason that the chain loosed; other said that he fel over the chain by reason of the poise of his body, and the weakness of the neather lims.

Some said that before he was like to fall from the stake, hee desired them to hold him to it with their billes. However it was, surelie it mooved hundreds to teares, in beholding the horrible sight; for I thinke there was none that had not cleane exiled all humanitie and mercie, which would not have lamented to beholde the furie of the fire so to rage upon their bodies. Signes there were of sorrow on everie side. Some tooke it greevouslie to see their deathes, whose lives they held full deare: some pittied their persons, that thought their soules had no need thereof. His brother mooved many men, seeing his miserable case, seeing (I say) him compelled to such infelicitie, that he thought then to doe him best service when he hastned his end. Some cried out of the lucke, to see his indevor (who most dearelie loved him, and sought his release) turne to his greater vexation and increase of paine. But whoso considered their preferments in time past, the places of honour that they some time occupied in this common wealth, the favour they were in with their princes, and the opinion of learning they had in the university where they studied, could not chuse but sorrow with teares to see so great dignity, honour, and estimation, so necessary members sometime accounted, so many godly vertues, the study of so manie yeres, such excellent learning, to be put into the fire and consumed in one moment. Well! dead they are, and the reward of this world they have alreadie. What reward remaineth for them in heaven, the day of the Lord's glorie, when hee commeth with his saints, shall shortlie, I trust, declare.

Perhaps the best-known edition of Foxe's Book of Martyrs is that by Cattley (8 vols. 1837-41), but it is far from perfect; in the last paragraph quoted, for example, Cattley had altered 'lucke' to 'fortune. The best is that in the Reformation' series of the Ecclesiastical Historians of England, edited by Mendham and Pratt (8 vols. 1853 et seq.), with Townsend's vindication against the attacks of Catholic critics. But many of the Catholic criticisms were justified; and Foxe's exaggerations and want of historical precision were fully exposed by Dr S. N. Maitland in a series of pamphlets (1837-42). The biography of Foxe, attributed to his son Samuel, and published in both Latin and English in the 1641 edition of the Acts, is certainly apocryphal, although it has formed the basis of numerous popular memoirs.

Raphael Holinshed (HOLYNSHED, HOLLINGSHEAD, &c.), principal writer of the Chronicles which bear his name, is said by Wood to have been educated at one of the universities, and to have become a minister of God's Word. It is certain that he came to London; was a translator in the printing-office of the German, Reginald Wolfe; was steward to Thomas Burdet of Bromcote, in Warwickshire; and died about the year 1580. He had Leland's MSS. at his command, and he was assisted by William Harrison (1534-93), who, born in London and educated at both universities, became chaplain to Lord Cobham and Canon of Windsor; and by Richard Stanyhurst (1547-1618), born in Dublin, educated at Oxford, who, destined to be afterwards famous as the translator of Virgil, wrote for Holinshed on Irish affairs under the guidance of the Jesuit martyr, Edmund Campion. Prefixed to the historical portion of the work is a description of Britain and its inhabitants, by William Harrison, which gives an interesting picture of the state of the country and manners of the people in the sixteenth century. This is followed by a history of England to the Norman Conquest, by Holinshed; a history and description of Ireland, by Stanyhurst ; additional chronicles of Ireland, translated (from Giraldus Cambrensis and others) or written by Holinshed and Stanyhurst; a description and history of Scotland, mostly translated from Hector Boece and Major, by Holinshed and others; and, lastly, a history of England, by Holinshed, from the Norman Conquest to 1577, when the first edition of the Chronicles was published. The book was eagerly welcomed and widely read; but some passages reflecting on debatable topics offended the queen and the ministers, and had to be cancelled. The second edition, when it appeared in 1587, was revised and continued down to 1586 under the editorship of John Hooker or Vowell, chamberlain of Exeter and uncle of 'the Judicious Hooker,' who had for coadjutors John Stow, elsewhere mentioned; Abraham Fleming (1552?— 1607), a translator from the classics, a poor poet but a competent antiquary; and Francis Thynne, calling himself Boteville (1545?-1608), the Lancaster Herald. In this second edition of 1587, several sheets containing matter offensive to the queen and her ministers were mutilated in all but the first impressions; but the uncastrated text was restored in the excellent edition in six volumes quarto published in London in 1807-8. Shakespeare got the material of almost all his historical plays from the Chronicles, and sometimes copied the very words. It was from Holinshed-who followed Boece-that Shakespeare derived the groundwork of Macbeth, as well as of King Lear and (in part) of Cymbeline. In Lear Shakespeare partly followed an earlier play based on Holinshed: the passages of Holinshed paraphrased in Henry VI. are themselves paraphrases of Hall. And the author (or authors) of Henry VIII. might have taken the passages originally due to Cavendish's Life of

Wolsey either from MS., from the second edition of Holinshed which had followed Cavendish, or from Stow, whose Chronicles contains selections from Cavendish.

Sometimes the text of Shakespeare's plays is little more than a blank verse rearrangement of Holinshed's facts and words. Thus in Act I. scene i. of Henry V. the Salic law is thus expounded:

There is no barre

To make against your Highnesse claim to France
But this which they produce from Pharamond:
'In terram Salicam mulieres ne succedant,'
'No woman shall succeed in Salic land ;'
Which Salike land the French unjustly gloze
To be the Realme of France and Pharamond
The founder of this Law and Female Barre;
Yet their own Authors faithfully affirme
That the Land Salike is in Germanie
Betweene the Flouds of Sala and of Elve,
Where Charles the Great, &c.

In Holinshed it is thus put: 'Against the surmised and false law Salike, which the Frenchmen allege ever against the kings of England in barre of their just title to the crowne of France. The verie words of that supposed law are these: "In terram salicam mulieres ne succedant;" that is to say, "Into the Salike land let not woman succeed." Which the French glossers expound to be the realme of France, and that this law was made by Kirg Pharamond: whereas their owne authors affirme that the land Salike is in Germanie, betweene the rivers of Elbe and Sala; and that where Charles the Great,' &c.

So in Act IV. scene viii. the list of prisoners and slain reported to the king after Agincourt is quite amusingly close to Holinshed's, as will appear from the last few lines.

The king, having recited the long list of French slain, says:

Here was a Royall fellowship of death!

Where is the number of our English dead?
Edward the Duke of Yorke, the Earle of Suffolke,
Sir Richard Ketlie, Davy Gam, Esquire:
None else of name; and of all other men
But five and twentie.

The corresponding sentence in Holinshed is: 'Of Englishmen there died at this battell, Edward Duke of Yorke; the Earle of Suffolke; Sir Richard Kikelie; and Davie Gamme, Esquier; and of all other not aboue five and twentie persons.' The parallelisms have been worked out at length by Mr Boswell-Stone in his Shakespeare's Holinshed (1896).

Holinshed tells at great length the proton pseudos, the fundamental fable about Brutus, the eponymous hero of Britain, which from the days of Geoffrey of Monmouth continued so long to falsify English history. Britain, it appears, was peopled within two hundred years after the flood by the children of Japhet, whose son Samothes was the founder of Celtica, including Gallia and Britannia, and was succeeded by five kings of

the Celts and Samotheans. Then came the giant Albion and his followers, and gave the island a new name. These legends fill a whole book of the history of England, though they are admitted to be somewhat disputed. But there is no doubt about Brute. The second book begins thus:

Hitherto have we spoken of the inhabitants of this Ile before the comming of Brute, although some will needs have it, that he was the first which inhabited the same with his people descended of the Trojans, some few giants onelie excepted whom he utterlie destroied, and left not one of them alive through the whole Ile. But as we shall not doubt of Brutes comming hither, so may we assuredly thinke, that he found the Ile peopled either with the generation of those which Albion the giant had placed here, or some other kind of people whom he did subdue, and so reigned as well ouer them as ouer those which he brought with him.

When Brutus (or Brytus) 'came to the age of 15 yeeres so that he was now able to ride abrode with his father into the forests and chases, he fortuned (either by mishap or by God's providence) to strike his father with an arrow in shooting at a deere, of which wound he also died. . . . And the yoong gentleman, immediatlie after he had slaine his father (in maner before alledged) was banished his countrie, and thereupon got him into Grecia, where travelling the countrie, he lighted by chance upon some of the Trojan offspring, and associating himselfe with them, grew by meanes of the linage (whereof he was descended) in great reputation among them.'

By-and-by Brutus, who had taken to wife Innogen, the daughter of King Pandrasus, led his Trojans from Grecia by way of the Straits of Gibraltar; fell in with more Trojans near the Pyrenees under their king, Gorineus; united their forces and fight with a king of the Picts in Poitou or Pictland; and, directing their course to this island, finally ‘after a few days sailing they landed at the haven now called Totnesse, the year of the world 2850, after the destruction of Troy 66.' After Brute and Gorineus had destroyed the giants Gogmagog and all such as stood against the invaders, Brute gave Cornwall to Gorineus, and set to building a capital on the Thames for himself:

Here therefore he began to build and lay the foundation of a citie, in the tenth or (as other thinke) in the second yeare after his arriuall, which he named (saith Gal. Mon.) Troinouant, or (as Hum. Llhoyd saith) Troinewith, that is, new Troy, in remembrance of that noble citie of Troy from whence he and his people were for the greater part descended.

When Brutus had builded this citie, and brought the island fullie vnder his subiection, he by the aduise of his nobles commanded this Ile (which before hight Albion) to be called Britaine, and the inhabitants Britons after his name, for a perpetuall memorie that he was the first bringer of them into the land. In this meane while also he had by his wife iij. sonnes, the first named Locrinus or Locrine, the second Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. Now when the time of his death drew neere, to the first he betooke the

To

gouernment of that part of the land nowe knowne by the name of England: so that the same was long after called Loegria, or Logiers, of the said Locrinus. the second he appointed the countrie of Wales, which of him was first named Cambria, diuided from Loegria by the riuer of Seuerne. To his third sonne Albanact he deliuered all the north part of the Ile, afterward called Albania, after the name of the said Albanact: which portion of the said Ile lieth beyond the Humber northward. Thus when Brutus had diuided the Ile of Britaine (as before is mentioned) into 3 parts, and had gouerned the same by the space of 15 yeares, he died in the 24 yeare after his arriuall (as Harison noteth) and was buried at Troinouant or London : although the place of his said buriall there be now growne out of memorie.

Then follows the history of Locrine the eldest sonne of Brute, of Albanact his yoongest sonne, and his death of Madan, Mempricius, Ebranke, Brute Greensheeld, Leill, Ludhurdibras, Baldud, and Leir, the nine rulers of Britaine successively after Brute.' Cordelia, Gorboduc, and many lessknown potentates are dealt with before Cassibelaune and Julius Cæsar are arrived at. Vortigern and Hengist do not appear till the tenth book of nearly mere fable. From the Anglo-Saxon settlement on there is much sound history.

These eponymous elucubrations about Albion and Brute naturally led the Scottish authors to claim for their kingdom a still more venerable antiquity and noble origin. The history of Scotland, compiled for Holinshed by Harrison from Boece and others, in like manner records the voyages of Gathelus, a Greek, who in Egypt marries Scota, the daughter of Pharaoh who was drowned in the Red Sea, and by way of Portingale comes to Ireland, now called Scotia after Scota. It was a prince called Rothsay that first took the Scots over to the western isles; and when they settled on the mainland of the country after then to be known as Scotland, they called the first district they settled Argathelia or Argyll, from their first captein and guide, Gathelus.' Thus Scottish history, like English history, was founded on baseless fables. This self-glorification by alleging descent from the great classical nations began with the Franks, but was much more diligently worked out by the Celtic peoples, the Irish series being mainly quite different in substance from those of Welsh manufacture. But the Brutus and other like fables seem to have long been about the most popular part of British history, and were quite heartily taken over and cherished by the Normans, who interested themselves more in the Welsh fable than in the AngloSaxon Chronicle. In England the myths derived from Geoffrey of Monmouth began to lose credit a generation or two after Holinshed; but in Scotland, as we have seen (page 212), these constituted the warp and woof of early Scottish history till well on in the eighteenth century (see page 824).

John Stow (1525 ?-1605), an industrious writer, was born in London about the year 1525. He was the son of a tailor, and was brought up to the same

trade, but early showed a turn for antiquarian research. About 1560 he planned to write on English history, and travelled on foot through a great part of England examining the historical manuscripts in cathedrals and collections. He bought up, as far as his resources allowed, old books and manuscripts, of which there were many scattered through the country, in consequence of the suppression of monasteries by Henry VIII. When necessity compelled him to fall back on his trade, his studies were suspended till the bounty of Archbishop Parker enabled him again to resume them. He edited Chaucer and some of the old English chronicles; and in 1561 he published his Summary of English Chronicles (dedicated to the Earl of Leicester), which was afterwards called Annales of England, and re-edited, expanded, and altered by other hands. At length, in 1598, appeared his Survay of London, the best known of his writings, which has served as the groundwork of all subsequent histories of the city. There was another work he was anxious to publish, a large history of Britain, on which forty years' labour had been bestowed; the MS. was extant, but it is not known what became of it. His industrious researches deserved a better fate than befell him. In his old age he fell into such poverty as to be driven to solicit charity from the public. Having made application to James I., he received the royal license 'to repair to churches or other places to receive the gratuities and charitable benevolence of well-disposed people.' Under the pressure of want and disease, Stow died in 1605 at the age of eighty. His works possess few graces of style, but he was on the whole the most accurate and conscientious chronicler of the time, though still too willing to accept the fables on which the early history was based. He often declared that in his histories he had never allowed himself to be swayed either by fear, favour, or malice, but that he had impartially and to the best of his knowledge delivered the truth. Bacon and Camden took statements upon his sole credit. Richard Grafton, chronicler, has been already referred to page 106) as continuator of Hall.

The Anthologies.

Master Slender 'had rather than forty shillings that he had his book of songs and sonnets here,' but it would appear that he had lent it, at Allhallowmass last, to Alice Shortcake, with his book of riddles. Which of several anthologies it was that Cousin Abraham regretted it is impossible to decide, for he was offered the choice of several such collections of 'dainty passages of wit.' The names of most of these miscellanies are far more poetical than their contents, and have led the unwary to suppose that these were garlands and posies of enchanting lyrics. It is desirable to insist upon the fact that, with certain exceptions, they were nothing of the kind. We have already

spoken of the earliest and most important anthologies, the 'Miscellany' published by Tottel (1557) ; in thirty years this went through eight editions, and the latest of them may presumably be the volume which Slender missed. This, however, was in no sense an Elizabethan work, although one or two of the contributors survived and continued to write in the reign of Elizabeth. The earliest of the genuine Elizabethan anthologies was The Paradise of Dainty Devices, published in 1576, by Richard Edwards, sometime of Her Majesty's Chapel, who wrote a large portion of it himself. Lord Vaux and Jasper Heywood were also among the contributors. This collection has a charming title, but there its merit ends; it is, as a contemporary called it, a packet of bald rhymes.' It was strangely popular, however, being incessantly reprinted until at least 1606.

An even finer title adorns a still more humdrum volume, A Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inventions, edited by Thomas Proctor in 1578. This is attributed to 'divers worthy workmen of later days ;' but what is not written in the form of 'pretty pamphlets' by Proctor himself seems to be from the hand of a certain Owen Roydon, of whom nothing else is known. The spirit of poetry is eminently absent from A Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inventions. It was followed, in 1584, by A Handful of Pleasant Delights, edited by Clement Robinson. This marks a bold advance towards music; the editor took credit for printing every sonnet orderly in his proper time,' and the pieces were arranged to be sung. No poets of any prominence were among the contributors, however, and the actual merit of most of the ballads in A Handful of Pleasant Delights is extremely small. (But see below at page 274.) The fifth anthology, A Bouquet of Dainty Conceits (1588), said to be a collection of 'sweet ditties either to the lute, bandora, virginals or any other instrument,' I have never seen; it is said to exist in a unique exemplar in a private library. It was edited, or written, by Antony Munday. Mr Bullen, who has examined this treasure, confesses that 'there is not even a passable lyric to be found' in it.

We come in 1593-when, it should be noticed, the lyrical revival was already complete-to The Phonix Nest. Lodge and Breton contributed to this, and it was edited by an unidentified R. S., of the Inner Temple. In 1599 William Jaggard brought out 'The Passionate Pilgrim, by W. Shakespeare.' This was a purely piratical miscellany, consisting of twenty pieces, the property of Shakespeare, Raleigh, Marlowe, Barnfield, and others, obviously all stolen. The history of this strangely tantalising compilation, and its actual connection with Shakespeare, remain obstinately obscure. We are told, however, by Heywood that Jaggard was 'altogether unknown' to Shakespeare when he 'presumed to make so bold with his name.' The Passionate Pilgrim, as a fraudulent publication, hardly deserves a place among the anthologies. The next

on the list seems to be Belvedere, or the Garden of the Muses (1600), which, however, is a nosegay of such fragmentary extracts as deserve rather to be called petals than flowers. We come at last to the famous England's Helicon, or the Muses Harmony (1600), a kind of Golden Treasury of the Elizabethan age, summing up the splendours of its lyric promise, and edited by one John Bodenham. Even more precious is the Poetical Rhapsody (1602), edited by Francis Davison, not because it contains more excellent poetry, but because it was compiled from fresher sources, and adds more to the total harvest of our literature. In both these collections, and still more in the enlarged reprint of England's Helicon of 1614, there were delightful numbers; Shakespeare himself, and Greene, and Barnfield, and Sidney, and Spenser, and Lodge being among the songsters whose throats are seen quivering with ecstasy on the boughs of these latest anthologies. But neither these nor their predecessors (always excepting Tottel's 'Miscellany') had much influence on the development of poetry or deserve any prominent place in its history. Before 1585 the anthologies had been filled with dry and tuneless morality, in which youth was admonished to withdraw his affection from the vain seducements of fancy. After 1585 they became collections, and mostly reprints, of poems, in themselves indeed most beautiful, but written without relation to the anthology and unstimulated by its existence. The Poetical Miscellanies, then, are literary curiosities which have, in the opinion of the present writer, received an amount of attention from critics which they do not intrinsically deserve, and which should be transferred from them to the music-books. These latter really did influence and even transform the character of lyrical poetry in England. The inaugurators of the Song were not the didactic Edwardses and Proctors, in spite of the beautiful names which they gave to their collections, but musicians such as Byrd, and Dowland, and that rare artist in both kinds, the incomparable Thomas Campion. EDMUND GOSSE.

Translators and Translations.

At many different dates English literature has been largely influenced by translations and translators. In early Christian days Biblical renderings and the close contact with Church Latin gave a Hebraic-Latinistic flavour to Anglo-Saxon. Alfred was a prince of translators, and Boethius and Orosius left their mark on English thought. Caxton, his patrons, friends, and successors were zealous in translating. The version of Cicero's De Senectute in 1473 is one of the first instances of the translation of a great classic, and is thought by some to have been identical with that rendering printed by Caxton in 1481 (see page 97). Gavin Douglas's metrical rendering of the Eneid (1513) was, all things considered, a notable achievement.

But the great age of great translators was the second half of the sixteenth century and the earlier decades of the seventeenth-the age of Hoby and North, of Philemon Holland and Florio, in prose, whose achievements were rivalled, then or later, by Phaer's and by Stanyhurst's Virgil, Goldings Ovid, Chapman's Homer, Harrington's Ariosto, and Fairfax's Tasso in verse. Many hands were now busy rendering the Greek and Latin classics, and giving their contemporaries better or worse versions of French, Italian, and Spanish masterpieces. Urquhart, the translator of Rabelais, was a late contemporary of Fairfax's. If it cannot be said that the great Tudor translators were as a rule quite accurate or faithful, if they did not make it their business to reproduce the distinctive form and manner of their originals, they yet succeeded admirably in fulfilling one of the canons of perfect translation-they produced noble English versions which to the reader seem wonderfully like spontaneous and original works.

Sir Thomas Hoby (1530-1566), translator of The Courtyer of Castiglione, made Englishmen familiar with the Renaissance ideal of a gentleman, but remained himself so faithful to all that was best in English character that Ascham, though constantly suspicious of the Englishman Italianate,' unreservedly praised both Hoby and his book. Born at Leominster, Hoby studied at St John's, Cambridge, travelled in France and Italy, and was ambassador in France. The Cortegiano, planned by Castiglione in 1508, was not printed till 1528, and found as much favour in France and Spain, translated, as at home. Hoby was at work on his English translation in his youth, but did not print it till 1561. The book was received with universal applause, was repeatedly reprinted, and produced very traceable influences on the next age and its writers. Professor Raleigh, who has edited Hoby (1900) for the 'Tudor Translations,' while praising the truly English style and its rhythm admits that, like so many of the Elizabethan translators, he tried rather to restate in English the substance of the original than to make an accurate translation. He made many mistakes through imperfect knowledge, was sometimes even slipshod in his English, and allowed himself rather to limit his vocabulary by the preference (common to him with Cheke and that school) for homely English words, in direct contrast to the pedantic Ciceronianism of the universities, the 'inkhorn terms' that commended themselves to another generation. Much more influential, however, was Hoby's contemporary, North.

Sir Thomas North (1535-1601), often referred to as the first great master of English prose, was the second son of the first Lord North, seems to have been educated at Cambridge, was a student at Lincoln's Inn, but early devoted himself to literature. He was apparently often embarrassed in circumstances, and even 'drowned by poverty.'