house of her two brothers; but, from circumstances connected with her affairs, her life there is so retired, that nothing is known of it abroad. Don Manuel, a friend, arrives in the city to visit one of these brothers; and, as he approaches the house, a lady strictly veiled stops him in the street, and conjures him, if he be a cavalier of honor, to prevent her from being further pursued by a gentleman already close behind. This lady is Doña Angela, and the gentleman is her brother, Don Luis, who is pursuing her only because he observes that she carefully conceals herself from him. The two cavaliers not being acquainted with each other, for Don Manuel hal come to visit the other brother, a dispute is easily excited, and a duel follows, which is interrupted by the arrival of this other brother, and an explanation of his friendship for Don Manuel. Don Manuel is now brought home, and established in the house of the two cavaliers, with all the courtesy due to a distinguished guest. His apartments, however, are connected with those of Doña Angela by a secret door, known only to herself and her confidential maid; and finding she is thus unexpectedly brought near a person who has risked his life to save her, she determines to put herself into a mysterious communication with him. But Doña Angela is young and thoughtless. When she enters the stranger's apartment, she is temptel to be mischievous, and leaves behind marks of her wild humor that are not to be mistaken. The servant of Don Manuel thinks it is an evil spirit, or at best a fairy, that plays such fantastic tricks; disturbing the private papers of his master, leaving notes on his table, throwing the fur iture of the room into confusion, and-from an accident-once jostling its occupants in the dark. At last, the master himself is confounded; and though he once catches a glimpse of the mischievous lady, as she escapes into her own part of the house, he knows not what to make of the apparition. He says:— She glided like a spirit, and her light Did all fantastic seem. But still her form By heaven above, I neither know nor guess But the tricksy lady, who has fairly frolicked herself in love with the handsome young cavalier, is tempted too far by her brilliant successes, and, being at last detected in the presence of her astonished brothers, the intrigue, which is one of the most complicated and gay to be found on any theatre, ends with an explanation of her fairy humors and her marriage with Don Manuel. WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT. WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT, the historian, is the son of William Prescott, a distinguished jurist, who died at Boston in 1844, and the grandson of Colonel William Prescott, who commanded at Bunker Hill on the memorable 17th of June, 1775. The father of Mr. Prescott, who was one of the wisest and best as well as one of the ablest men that New England has produced, was a native of Peppereil in Massachusetts, but lived in Salem from 1789 to 1808; and there the Historian was born, May 4, 1796: his mother being the daughter of Thomas Hickling, who for nearly .half a century held Washington's commission as Consul at St. Michael's. But Mr. Prescott's family having removed to Boston when he was hard ly twelve years old, his literary training was chiefly in that city and in Cambridge, where he was graduated in 1814 with honors suited to the classical tastes he had cultivated with much more than common success, both during his University course and earlier. His original intention was, to devote himself to the profession which his father's eminence had naturally made attractive to him. But, just as he was closing his academical career in Harvard College, an accident deprived him instantly of the use of one eye; and the other, after much suffering, became so enfeebled and impaired, that it was soon plain that he could devote himself to no course of life in which his occupations would not be controlled more or less by the results of this infirmity. He struggled against it, however, as well as he might. Two years he spent in travelling through England, France, and Italy, and in endeavors to procure alleviations for his misfortune from the great oculists of London and Paris; but it was all in vain. His general health, indeed, was strengthened and his character developed by it; but the infirmity from which he sought relief was beyond the reach of re nedies, and had been so, no doubt, from the first. Soon after his return home, therefore, he looked round to see what course was still open to him for that active period of life on whose threshold he then stood; and with a deliberation of purpose rare in one so young, he determined to become a historian. But first he went through a careful course of intellectual discipline in the classics of antiquity which had always been his favorite study, and in the literatures of France, Italy, and Spain, which followed them in natural sequence. To this task, he devoted, on a well considered plan, ten years; and, except that he often suffered severely from inflammations of the debilitated organ of sight, and that his reading and studies of all kinds were carried on to much disadvantage from the necessity of using the eyes of others rather than his own, they were years of great happiness to him. His industry never flagged; his courage never faltered; his spirits, buoyant by nature, never sank under the burdens imposed upon them. It was the period when he laid deep and sure the foundations of his coming success. His next task was to choose a subject. In this, he was eminently fortunate. Sixty years had just elapsed since, in 1769, Dr. Robertson had succeeded in fastening the attention of the world on the reign of Charles V., when the power of Spain was greater than it ever was before or than it has ever been since, and when that wide European system was consolidated, which was first broken up by Buonaparte and which Buonaparte's conquerors have so imperfectly reconstructed. But Robertson did not go far enough back in the annals of Spain to make his work all that it should have been. The central point in the history of modern Spain is the capture of Grenada, and he should have embraced it in the plan of a work intended to present that country in its entrance upon the grand theatre of European affairs. All before that decisive epoch, for eight centuries, had been, as it were, preparation; all that has happened since, for four centuries, has been results and consequences. The power which had been created by the Moorish wars, and which had been exclusively concentrated upon them for so long a period, was then first let loose upon the rest of Europe, while, almost at the same moment, the discovery of America and its boundless wealth came in to give that power a life and efficiency which it never before possessed, and which, be- | yond the Pyrenees, had hardly been suspected or thought of; turning all the gentlemen of Spain into soldiers and sending them forth upon adventure to fight wherever the spirit of loyalty might call them, either for the glory of their monarchs or for the advancement of the Catholic faith. Robertson, indeed, in his elaborate and philosophical introduction to his history, has endeavored to supply this deficiency in his plan; but that Essay, a noble portico to his work, is rather an account of the state of things in the rest of Europe, out of which grew what is most distinctive in the character of more recent times, than an explanation of the previous condition of Spain itself, on which Charles V. established his vast power, and on whose basis Philip II. endeavored to build up an empire wider than the Roman, because it was to embrace the New World as well as the Old. may have been anew partly influenced by the imperfect success of Dr. Robertson, and partly or chiefly by the direction given already to his own inquiries in that portion of his Ferdinand and Isabella which relates to America. At any rate, Robertson's History of America, published in 1777, is entirely unequal to the claims it makes. Simancas was closed to him, and the admirable collection at the Lonja of Seville was not yet imagined, so that he had not the materials needful for his task; besides which his plan was not only too vast, but, in its separate parts, was ill proportioned and ill-adjusted. The great result-, however, upon Spain, and indeed upon all Europe, of the conquests on the American continent made by Spanish adventurers, follow, by an almost inevitable succession, accounts such as Mr. Prescott had already given of its discovery. He therefore naturally turned his thoughts in this direction, and skilfully confining his labors to the two portions of the newly discovered countries that had the most influence on the fates and fortunes of Spain and of Europe, instead of extending them as Robertson had done over the whole of North and South America, he gave the world successively his Conquest of Mexico in 1843 and his Conquest of Peru in 1847. Both of these works are written largely from manuscript materials obtained in Spain. The first, from the very nature of its subject, is the most effective and popular, comprehending that marvell us series of military adventures, which read more like a cruel romance than the results of sober history; while the last, so full of philosophy in its accounts of the early traditions of Peru, and so full of wisdom in its explanation of the healing government of Gasca, is no less important for its teachings to the world. Both are written in Mr. Prescott's most attractive and brilliant style, and were followed by the amplest and most honorable success alike in Europe and America, and in their translations made on both sides of the Atlantic, and especially in Mexico, where two have appeared. Mr. Prescott, no doubt, perceived this, and chose for the subject of his first work, The Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella; the grand consolidation of Spain into one compact monarchy; the final overthrow of Moslem power in Western Europe, and the discovery of America and its wealth. It was a noble subject, imposing in each of its greater divisions, and interesting alike to both hemispheres. With what ability he treated it, is known on the other side of the Atlantic no less than on this, for the original work, which after nearly ten years of faithful labor upon it first appeared in 1838, has not only been printed and reprinted in the United States, in England and France, but has been translated into Spanish, Italian, and German, Mr. Prescott had now shown how the military power of Spain, which had been developed in a manner so extraordinary by the Moorish wars, had begun to spread its victories over Europe and America; and how the wealth found in its golden colonies was sustaining further and wider conquests that were soon destined to disturb all Christendom. We almost regret, therefore, that he had not continued the History of Spain and her foreign wars and conquests from the point where he left them at the end of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. Certainly, on one side, this is the view that immediately presents itself; for the work of Robertson on Charles V., important as it has been, cannot, we conceive, be regarded as the final record of the great and stirring period it embraces; so imperfect is his knowledge of the deep and complicated movements in Germany' that belong to it, and so much is he wanting in a clear comprehension of Spain and of the Spanish character at the time they were becoming preponderant in Europe. Mr. Prescott, we are persuaded, would have treated this most attractive subject with the hand of a master, and so have rendered a new service to the History of the World at one of the turning points in its desti nies. But it is understood that he has modestly decided otherwise, and that leaving Dr. Robertson in undisputed possession of the reign of Charles V., he is about to give the public the History of Philip II. Here, no doubt, he has a field both ample and free; for, saving the slight history of Dr. Watson, which, since 1777, when it was published, has been good-naturedly received by the world as an account of the times of Philip II., Mr. Prescott will find no work on the subject worth naming, either in Spain or out of it. And yet such a subject might well have claimed, long since, the most earnest efforts of the highest talent. At home-in Spain we mean—its details are full of interest and of grave teachings. They begin with the solemn farce of the Cloister life of Charles V. by which all the elder historians have been duped, but which, thanks to Mr. Stirling, M. Mignet, and M. Gachard, can now be placed where it belongs and be exhibited as what it really was. Next, we have the dark death of the miserable and unworthy Don Carlos, of which his father may never be convicted, but from which he never can be absolved; and which after being turned into poetry by Schiller and so many others, among whom Lord John Russell should not have permitted himself to be placed, ought at last to be reduced to the plain prose of exact history. Later, we have the murder of Escovedo and the consequent shameful persecution of that brilliant adventurer, Antonio Perez, which Mignet again has set in its true light, as the heartless work of Philip, in order to conceal his own hand in a murder committed by his own orders. And above all and everywhere on the soil of Spain, or wherever Spanish power reached, we have the Inquisition and the Church stretching up like a black cloud between heaven and earth, and casting their blight over even the patriotism and loyalty of the Spanish people; allying their love of country to bigotry, and making their devotion to despotism, as it were, a part of their religious humility. All this, too, has never been explained as it ought to be, nor made the solemn warning to the world, which, in Mr. Prescott's hands, it will assuredly become. Abroad, out of Spain, his subject is yet more striking. It embraces all Europe and its interests. The old wars against the Moors come up again; the siege of Malta; the cruel contest in the Alpuxarras; but, above all, Don John of Austria, the most romantic of military captains, and his victory at Lepanto, by which the hated Moslem was, for the second time, driven back from Western Europe by Spanish valor and enthusiasm ;how they rise before us, as if they belonged to the earlier period of Spanish history, and connect us with its heroic adventures. Then, to counterbalance them, come the conquest of Portugal, which, when Don Sebastian had mysteriously perished in Africa, fell an easy prey to his crafty cousin: the troubles with France in the days of the three last Henries, and during the struggles of French Protestantism, not forgetting the battle of St. Quentin, where a characteristic vow of Philip, breathed perhaps in personal fear, built the no less characteristic E-curial; the ruinous war of the Netherlands ending with their loss; and the strange relations with England, both when Philip reigned there with Mary, and when in the time of Elizabeth he undertook that bold conquest of the island which would have added the possession of North to that of South America-aye, and perhaps even that of all India beyond the Cape of Good Hope. Each of these subjects, we mean to say, is worthy of the highest historical talent, while all taken together and kept in their respective positions and proportions by the wary, inflexible, and unscrupulous genius of Philip himself—always in the foreground of his own affairs-always the master-spirit, whatever is done or proposed-and always carefully adjusting his projects into the vast framework of his own ambition to establish an Universal Monarchy, whose seat should be in the South of Europe, and whose foundations should be laid in the Faith of the Church of Rome;-these grand materials, thus grouped together, constitute a subject for history which the great masters of ancient or of modern times might well envy to Mr. Prescott. That it will-even more than anything he has yet done-insure him a place at their side, we do not doubt. Since the appearance of Ferdinand and Isabella in 1838, literary bodies, at home and abroad, have showered on Mr. Prescott their higher honors; beginning with Columbia College in New York, which gave him the degree of Doctor of Laws in 1840, and ending, so far as we have observed, with a similar degree from the ancient University of Oxford in 1859; when, on a visit to England, he was received in a manner the most flattering by whatever is most distinguished in society and letters. In this interval, however (we think it was in 1845), he received the yet higher distinction of being elected a corresponding member of the class of Moral and Political Philosophy in the French Institute, as successor to Navarrete, the Spanish historian. The vacancy was certainly well and appropriately filled. Except his great historical works, we believe that Mr. Prescott has published only a volume of Miscellanies, chiefly reviews from the North American, which appeared first in 1845, and has since been reprinted both in England and the United States.* THE RETURN OF COLUMBUS AFTER HIS FIRST VOYAGE-FROM THE HISTORY OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. The In the spring of 1493, while the court was still at Barcelona, letters were received from Christopher Columbus, announcing his return to Spain, and the successful achievement of his great enterprise, by the discovery of land beyond the western ocean. delight and astonishment, raised by this intelligence, were proportioned to the skepticism with which his project had been originally viewed. The sovereigns were now filled with a natural impatience to ascertain the extent and other particulars of the important discovery and they transmitted instant instructions to the admiral to repair to Barcelona, as soon as he should have made the preliminary arrangements for the further prosecution of his enterprise. The great navigator had succeeded, as is well known, after a voyage the natural difficulties of which had been much augmented by the distrust and mutinous spirit of his followers, in descrying We are indebted for this memoir to the pen of Mr. George Ticknor. land on Friday, the 12th of October, 1492. After some months spent in exploring the delightful regions, now for the first time thrown open to the eyes of a European, he embarked in the month of January, 1493, for Spain. One of his vessels had previously foundered, and another had deserted him; so that he was left alone to retrace his course across the Atlantic. After a most tempestuous voyage, he was compelled to take shelter in the Tagus, sorely against his inclination. He experienced, however, the most honorable reception from the Portuguese monarch, John the Second, who did ample justice to the great qualities of Columbus, although he had failed to profit by them. After a brief delay, the adiniral resumed his voyage, and crossing the bar of Saltes entered the harbor of Palos about noon, ou the 15th of March, 1493, being exactly seven months and eleven days since his departure from that port. Great was the agitation in the little community of Palos, as they beheld the well-known vessel of the admiral reentering their harbor. Their desponding imaginations had lo g since consigned him to a watery grave; for, in addition to the preternatural horrors which hung over the voyage, they had experienced the most stormy and disastrous winter within the recollection of the oldest mariners, Most of them had relatives or friends on boa:d. They thronged imme liately to the shore, to assure themselves with their own eyes of the truth of their return. When they beheld their faces once more, and saw them accompanied by the numerous evidences which they brought back of the success of the expedition, they burst forth in acclamations of joy and gratulation. They awaited the landing of Columbus, when the whole population of the place accompanied him and his crew to the principal church, where solemn thanksgivings were offered up for their return; while every bell in the village sent forth a joyous peal in honor of the glorious event. The admiral was too desirous of presenting himself before the sovereigas, to protract his stay long at Palos. He took with him on his journey specimens of the multifarious products of the newly discovered regions. He was accompanied by several of the native islanders, arrayed in their simple barbarie costume, and decorated, as he passed through the principal cities, with collars, bracelets, and other ornaments of gold, rudely fashioned; he exhibited also considerable quantities of the same metal in dust, or in crude masses, numerous vegetable exotics, possessed of aromatic or medicinal virtue, and several kinds of quadrupeds unknown in Europe, and birds, whose varieties of gaudy plumage gave a brilliant effect to the pageant. The admiral's progress through the country was everywhere impeded by the multitudes thronging forth to gaze at the extraordinary spectacle, and the more extraordinary man, who, in the emphatic language of that time, which has now lost its force from its familiarity, first revealed the existence of a "New World." he passed through the busy, populous city of Seville, every window, balcony, and housetop, which could afford a glimpse of him, is described to have been crowded with spectators. It was the middle of April before Columbus reached Barcelona. The nobility and cavaliers in attendance on the court, together with the authorities of the city, came to the gates to receive him, and escorted him to the royal presence. Ferdinand and Isabella were seated, with their son, Prince John, under a superh canopy of state, awaiting his arrival. On his approach, they rose from their seats, and extending their hands to him to salute, caused him to be seated before them. These were unprecedented marks of As condescension to a person of Columbus's rank, in the haughty and ceremonious court of Castile. It was, indeed, the proudest moment in the life of Columbus. He had fully established the truth of his long-contested theory, in the face of argument, sophistry, sneer, skepticism, and contempt. He had achieved this, not by chance, but by calculation, supported through the most adverse circumstances by consummate conduct. The honors paid him, which had hitherto been reserved only for rank, or fortune, or military success, purchased by the blood and tears of thousands, were, in his case, a homage to intellectual power, successfully exerted in behalf of the noblest interests of humanity. His After a brief interval, the sovereigns requested from Columbus a recital of his adventures. manner was sedate and dignified, but warmed by the glow of natural enthusiasın. Ile enumerated the several islands which he had visited, expatiated on the temperate character of the climate, and the capacity of the soil for every variety of agricultural production, appealing to the samples imported by him, as evide ce of their natural fruitfulness. He dwelt more at large on the precious metals to be found in these islands, which he inferred, less from the specimens actually obtaine 1, than from the uniform testimony of the natives to their abundance in the unexplored regions of the interior. Lastly, he pointed out the wide scope afforded to Christian zel, in the illumination of a race of men, whose minds, far from being wedded to any system of idolatry, were prepared by their extreme simplicity for the reception of pure and uncorrupted doctrine.. The last consideration touched Isabella's heart most sensibly; and the whole audience, kindled with various emotions by the speaker's eloquence, filled up the perspective with the gorgeous coloring of their own fancies, as ambition or avarice, or devotional feeling predominated in their bosons. When Columbus cease 1, the king and queen, together with all present, prostrate themselves on their knees in grateful thanksgivings, while the solemn strains of the Te Deum were poured forth by the choir of the royal chapel, as in commemoration of some glorious victory. QUEEN ISABELLA-FROM THE SAME. Her person was of the middle height, and well proportioned. She had a clear, fresh complexion, with light blue eyes and auburn hair,-a style of beauty exceedingly rare in Spain. Her features were regular, and universally allowed to be uncommonly handsome. The illusion which attaches to. rank, more especially when united with engaging. manners, might lead us to suspect some exaggeration in the encomiums so liberally lavished on her. But they would seem to be in a great measure justified by the portraits that remain of her, which combine a faultless symmetry of features with singular sweetness and intelligence of expression. Her manners were most gracious and pleasing. They were marked by natural dignity and modest reserve, tempered by an affability which flowed from the kindliness of her disposition. She was the last person to be approached with undue familiarity; yet the respect which she imposed was mingled with the strongest feelings of devotion and love. She showed great tact in accommodating herself to the peculiar situation and character of those around her. She appeared in arms at the head of her troops, and shruk from none of the hardships of war. During the reforms introduced into the religious houses, she visited the nunneries in person, taking her needlework with her, and passing the day in the society of the inmates. When travelling in Galicia, she at-. tired herself in the costume of the country, borrowing for that purpose the jewels and other ornaments of the ladies there, and returning them with liberal additions. By this condescending and captivating deportment, as well as by her higher qualities, she gained an ascendency over her turbulent subjects, which no king of Spain could ever boast. She She spoke the Castilian with much elegance and correctness. She had an easy fluency of discourse, which, though generally of a serious complexion, was occasionally seasoned with agreeable sallies, some of which have passed into proverbs. She was temperate even to abstemiousness in her diet, seldom or never tasting wine; and so frugal in her table, that the daily expenses for herself and family did not exceed the moderate sum of forty ducats. was equally simple and economical in her apparel. On all public occasions, indeed, she displayed a royal magnificence; but she had no relish for it in private, and she freely gave away her clothes and jewels, as presents to her friends. Naturally of a sedate, though cheerful temper, she had little taste for the frivolous amusements which make up so much of a court life; and, if she encouraged the presence of minstrels and musicians in her palace, it was to wean her young nobility from the coarser and less intellectual pleasures to which they were addicted. Among her moral qualities, the most conspicuous, perhaps, was her magnanimity. She betrayed nothing little or selfish, in thought or action. Her schemes were vast, and executed in the same noble spirit, in which they were conceived. She never employed doubtful agents or sinister measures, but the most direct and open policy. She scorned to avail herself of advantages offered by the perfidy of others. Where she had once given her confidence, she gave her hearty and steady support; and she was scrupulous to redeem any pledge she had made to those who ventured in her cause, however unpopular. She sustained Ximenes in all his obnoxions, but salutary reforms. She seconded Columbus in the prosecution of his arduous enterprise, and shielded him from the calumny of his enemies. She did the same good service to her favorite, Gonsalvo de Cordova; and the day of her death was felt, and, as it proved, truly felt by both, as the last of their good fortune. Artifice ad duplicity were so abhorrent to her character, and so averse from her domestic policy, that when they appear in the foreign relations of Spain, it is certainly not imputable to her. She was incapable of harboring any petty distrust, or latent malice; and, although stern in the execution and exaction of public justice, she made the most generous allowance, and even sometimes advances, to those who had personally injured her. But the principle, which gave a peculiar coloring to every feature of Isabella's mind, was piety. It shone forth from the very depths of her soul with a heavenly radiance, which illuminated her whole character. Fortunately, her earliest years had been passed in the rugged school of adversity, under the eye of a mother who implanted in her serious mind such strong principles of religion as nothing in after life had power to shake. At an early age, in the flower of youth and beauty, she was introduced to her brother's court; but its blandishments, so dazzling to a young imagination, had no power over hers; for she was surrounded by a moral atmosphere of purity, Driving far off each thing of sin and guilt. Such was the decorum of her manners, that, though encompassed by false friends and open enemies, not the slightest reproach was breathed on her fair name in this corrupt and calumnious court. THE DEATH OF MONTEZUMA-FROM THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. The Indian monarch had rapidly declined, since he had received his injury, sinking, however, quite as much under the anguish of a wounded spirit, as under disease. He continued in the same moody state of insensibility as that already described; holding little communication with those around him, deaf to consolation, obstinately rejecting all medical remedies as well as nourishment. Perceiving his end approach, some of the cavaliers present in the fortress, whom the kindness of his manners had personally attached to him, were anxious to save the soul of the dying prince from the sad doom of those who perish in the darkness of unbelief. They accordingly waited on him, with father Olmedo at their head, and in the most earnest manner implored him to open his eyes to the error of his creed, and consent to be baptized. But Montezuma-whatever may have been suggested to the contrary-seems never to have faltered in his hereditary faith, or to have contemplated becoming an apostate; for surely he merits that name in its most odious application, who, whether Christian or Pagan, renounces his religion without conviction of its falsehood. Indeed, it was a too implicit reliance on its oracles, which had led him to give such easy confidence to the Spaniards. His intercourse with them had, doubtless, not sharpened his desire to embrace their communion; and the calamities of his country he might consider as sent by his gods to punish him for his hospitality to those who had desecrated and destroyed their shrines. When father Olmedo, therefore, kneeling at his side, with the uplifted crucifix, affectionately besought him to embrace the sign of man's redemption, he coldly repulsed the priest, exclaiming, "I have but a few moments to live; and will not at this hour desert the faith of my fathers." One thing, however, seemed to press heavily on Montezuma's mind. This was the fate of his children, especially of three daughters, whom he had by his two wives; for there were certain rites of marriage, which distinguished the lawful wife from the concubine. Calling Cortés to his bedside, he earnestly commended these children to his care, as "the most precious jewels that he could leave him." He besought the general to interest his master, the emperor, in their behalf, and to see that they should not be left destitute, but be allowed some portion of their rightful inheritance. "Your lord will do this," he concluded, "if it were only for the friendly offices I have rendered the Spaniards, and for the love I have shown them,— though it has brought me to this condition! But for this I bear them no ill-will." Such, according to Cortés himself, were the words of the dying monarch. Not long after, on the 30th of June, 1520, he expired in the arms of some of his own nobles, who still remained faithful in their attendance on his person. "Thus," exclaims a native historian, one of his enemies, a Tlascalan, "thus died the unfortunate Montezuma, who had swayed the sceptre with such consummate policy and wisdom; and who was held in greater reverence and awe than any other prince of his lineage, or any, indeed, that ever sat on a throne in this Western World. With him may be said to have terminated the royal line of the Aztecs, and the glory to have passed away from the empire, which under him had reached the zenith of its prosperity." The tidings of his death," says the old Castilian chronicler, Diaz, " were received with real grief by every cavalier and soldier in the army who had had access to his person; for we all loved him as a father, and no wonder, seeing how good he was." This simple, but emphatic, testimony to his desert, at such a time, is in itself the best refutation 66 |